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The Moraic Mess that is Danish Dual weight criteria and mora recursion Yonatan Goldshtein & Pavel Iosad Aalborg Uiversity & University of Edinburgh

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Outline 1. Criteria for syllable weight in Danish 2. Basbøll’s Stød-to-Weight Model 3. The Stress-to-Weight model 4. Our Analysis 5. Conclusions 1

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Criteria for syllable weight in Danish

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Syllable weight Phonological processes may differentiate syllables based in their phonological weight. 2

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Syllable weight Phonological processes may differentiate syllables based in their phonological weight. Syllable weight is quantified in terms of morae (μ): • Light syllables are monomoraic • Heavy syllables are bimoraic 2

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Syllable weight Phonological processes may differentiate syllables based in their phonological weight. Syllable weight is quantified in terms of morae (μ): • Light syllables are monomoraic • Heavy syllables are bimoraic The processes are language-specific but there are cross-linguistic tendencies. For example: • Heavy syllables may be stressed, allow complex tones etc. • Light syllables may be unstressed, allow only simple tones etc. 2

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Syllable weight Phonological processes may differentiate syllables based in their phonological weight. Syllable weight is quantified in terms of morae (μ): • Light syllables are monomoraic • Heavy syllables are bimoraic The processes are language-specific but there are cross-linguistic tendencies. For example: • Heavy syllables may be stressed, allow complex tones etc. • Light syllables may be unstressed, allow only simple tones etc. In most languages a syllable is heavy or light for all processes, but some languages seem to employ dual criteria for weight (cf. Hayes 1995) 2

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Syllable weight In a language with dual criteria for weight: • Stress may treat CVː and CVC as heavy and CV as light, and • Tone may treat CVː as heavy but CVC and CV as light. 3

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Syllable weight In a language with dual criteria for weight: • Stress may treat CVː and CVC as heavy and CV as light, and • Tone may treat CVː as heavy but CVC and CV as light. Hayes (1995) proposes a grid representation. We propose mora recursion. 3

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Syllable weight In a language with dual criteria for weight: • Stress may treat CVː and CVC as heavy and CV as light, and • Tone may treat CVː as heavy but CVC and CV as light. Hayes (1995) proposes a grid representation. We propose mora recursion. a. CVː b. CVC c. CV σ μ μ V μ μ σ μ μ V μ C σ μ μ V 3

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Syllable weight In a language with dual criteria for weight: • Stress may treat CVː and CVC as heavy and CV as light, and • Tone may treat CVː as heavy but CVC and CV as light. Hayes (1995) proposes a grid representation. We propose mora recursion. a. CVː b. CVC c. CV σ μ μ V μ μ σ μ μ V μ C σ μ μ V 3

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Three models of syllable weight in Danish The Stød-to-Weight Model Focus on accounting for the presence/absence of stød (Basbøll 2003, 2005). Phonotactic generalizations and vowel length alternations are unaccounted for. 4

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Three models of syllable weight in Danish The Stød-to-Weight Model Focus on accounting for the presence/absence of stød (Basbøll 2003, 2005). Phonotactic generalizations and vowel length alternations are unaccounted for. The Stress-to-Weight Model Focus on accounting for phonotactics and length alternations (Vazquéz-Larruscaín 2021). Restrictions on stød not accounted for in terms of weight. 4

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Three models of syllable weight in Danish The Stød-to-Weight Model Focus on accounting for the presence/absence of stød (Basbøll 2003, 2005). Phonotactic generalizations and vowel length alternations are unaccounted for. The Stress-to-Weight Model Focus on accounting for phonotactics and length alternations (Vazquéz-Larruscaín 2021). Restrictions on stød not accounted for in terms of weight. Dual criteria for syllable weight Main insights from the other models are accounted for in one model of syllable weight employing: • Recursion • (Morphophonological stratificaton) 4

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Basbøll’s Stød-to-Weight Model

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Basbøll’s Stød-to-Weight Model Stød is a laryngeal prosody found in the long sonorous rhymes of certain syllables in Danish. • mord [ˈmoɐ̯ˀ] ‘murder’ but not mor [ˈmoɐ̯] ‘mother’. According to Basbøll, stød “signals” the second mora of heavy syllables. Syllables with insufficient rhyme sonority cannot have stød and are therefore not bimoraic. 5

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Basbøll’s Stød-to-Weight Model Stød is a laryngeal prosody found in the long sonorous rhymes of certain syllables in Danish. • mord [ˈmoɐ̯ˀ] ‘murder’ but not mor [ˈmoɐ̯] ‘mother’. According to Basbøll, stød “signals” the second mora of heavy syllables. Syllables with insufficient rhyme sonority cannot have stød and are therefore not bimoraic. The problems • Some syllables have long sonority, but no stød • Some syllables without stød obligatorily gain stød when a suffix is added 5

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Sonority restrictions on stød Rhyme Stød Non-stød . . . V None du [ˈtu] ‘you-sg’ nu [ˈnu] ‘now’ ja [ˈjæ] ‘yes’ . . . VC[obs] (C) None kat [ˈkʰæt] ‘cat’ bus [ˈpus] ‘bus’ knap [ˈkʰnap] ‘button’ . . . VC[son] (C) tand [ˈtˢænˀ] ‘tooth’ kan [ˈkʰæn] ‘can’ hvid [ˈviðˀ] ‘white’ kid [ˈkʰið] ‘kid’ pels [ˈpʰɛlˀs] ‘fur’ Niels [ˈnels] ‘name’ . . . Vː(C) lim [ˈliːˀm] ‘glue’ team [ˈtˢiːm] ‘team’ klan [ˈkʰlæːˀn] ‘clan’ band [ˈpæːnt] ‘band’ fart [ˈfaːˀt] ‘speed’ bark [ˈpaːk] ‘bark’ 6

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Stød-alternating syllables Sonorant-final stød-less syllables obligatorily acquire stød under suffixation. Non-stød Coda Example indf def . . . ð# slid ‘attrition’ [ˈslið] [ˈsliðˀəð] . . . ɪ̯# jeg ‘I’ [ˈjaɪ̯] [ˈjaɪ̯ˀəð] . . . l# guld ‘gold’ [ˈkul] [ˈkulˀəð] . . . m# som ‘which’ [ˈsom] [ˈsomˀəð] . . . n# søn ‘son’ [ˈsøn] [ˈsønˀən] . . . ŋ# bang ‘bang’ [ˈpaŋ] [ˈpaŋˀəð] . . . ʊ̯# lov ‘law’ [ˈlɒʊ̯] [ˈlɒʊ̯ˀən] . . . ɐ̯# bær ‘berry’ [ˈpɛɐ̯] [ˈpɛɐ̯ˀəð] . . . V# nu ‘now’ [ˈnu] [ˈnuːˀəð] 7

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Non-alternating syllables Other stød-less syllables do not alternate. Non-stød Coda Example indf def . . . VC[obs] kat ‘cat’ [ˈkʰæt] [ˈkʰætən] . . . V[son] C Niels ‘name’ [ˈnels] [ˈnelsən] . . . VːC team ‘team’ [ˈtˢiːm] [ˈtˢiːməð] 8

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Basbøll’s analysis Basbøll’s generalizations • Obstruents are obligatorily non-moraic. • Stød-less sonorants are extra-metrical, when word-final. • Final short vowels have extra-metrical vowel-length. 9

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Basbøll’s analysis Basbøll’s generalizations • Obstruents are obligatorily non-moraic. • Stød-less sonorants are extra-metrical, when word-final. • Final short vowels have extra-metrical vowel-length. a. hus b. kat h σ μ uːˀ μ s kʰ σ μ æt 9

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Basbøll’s analysis Basbøll’s generalizations • Obstruents are obligatorily non-moraic. • Stød-less sonorants are extra-metrical, when word-final. • Final short vowels have extra-metrical vowel-length. a. ven b. vennen v σ μ ɛ⟨n⟩ v σ μ ɛ μ nˀən 9

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Basbøll’s analysis Basbøll’s generalizations • Obstruents are obligatorily non-moraic. • Stød-less sonorants are extra-metrical, when word-final. • Final short vowels have extra-metrical vowel-length. a. nu b. nuet n σ μ u⟨ː⟩ n σ μ uːˀ μ əð 9

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Basbøll’s analysis Exception: heavy syllables without stød • Long vowels are bimoraic by definition • Non-final sonorants must be moraic: because extra-metricality is not an option • Absence of stød must be lexically stipulated a. mark b træls m σ μ a μ k tˢʁ σ μ a μ ls [-stød] [-stød] 10

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Basbøll’s analysis Problems • Ad-hoc treatment of non-stød in high sonority codas • Sole focus on explaining stød and therefore misses generalizations pertaining to stress and phonotactics 11

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The Stress-to-Weight model

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Stress and weight in Danish North Germanic languages: • Generally observe Stress-to-Weight: main stress makes syllables bimoraic • Show some effects of Weight-to-Stress: quantity-sensitive stress placement By this criterion, all codas contribute to weight in Danish 12

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Codas and syllable structure The largest stressed syllable rhyme in monomorphemic words in Danish is -VXsC • Long vowel + /sC/, or • Short vowel + /CsC/ Phonotactically, /Vː/ = /VC/ Coda Short vowel Long vowel . . . da [ˈtæ] ‘when’ A [ˈæːˀ] ‘A’ . . . C Mads [ˈmæs] ‘name’ las [ˈlæːˀs] ‘tatter’ . . . CC mast [ˈmæst] ‘mast’ host [ˈhoːˀst] ‘cough’ . . . CCC angst [ˈaŋst] ‘anxiety’ * 13

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Two analyses Basbøll: only sonorous segments are moraic, no phonotactic generalization host tekst h σ μ oːˀ μ st t σ μ ɛkst 14

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Two analyses Basbøll: only sonorous segments are moraic, no phonotactic generalization host tekst h σ μ oːˀ μ st t σ μ ɛkst Alternative: stressed syllables are bimoraic by default, /sC/ is the largest post-moraic cluster host tekst h σ μ oːˀ μ st t σ μ ɛ μ kst 14

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Vowel length alternations Three types of heavy syllables: a) long vowel, non-alternating length b) short vowel, non-alternating vowel length c) alternating vowel length, stød when vowel is long sg pl 15

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Vowel length alternations Three types of heavy syllables: a) long vowel, non-alternating length b) short vowel, non-alternating vowel length c) alternating vowel length, stød when vowel is long sg pl a. bil ‘car’ [ˈpiːˀl] [ˈpiːˀlən] park ‘park’ [ˈpʰaːk] [ˈpʰaːkən] 15

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Vowel length alternations Three types of heavy syllables: a) long vowel, non-alternating length b) short vowel, non-alternating vowel length c) alternating vowel length, stød when vowel is long sg pl a. bil ‘car’ [ˈpiːˀl] [ˈpiːˀlən] park ‘park’ [ˈpʰaːk] [ˈpʰaːkən] b. hal ‘hall’ [ˈhælˀ] [ˈhælˀən] ven ‘friend’ [ˈvɛn] [ˈvɛnˀən] brev ‘letter’ [ˈpræʊ̯ˀ] [ˈpræʊ̯ˀəð] 15

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Vowel length alternations Three types of heavy syllables: a) long vowel, non-alternating length b) short vowel, non-alternating vowel length c) alternating vowel length, stød when vowel is long sg pl a. bil ‘car’ [ˈpiːˀl] [ˈpiːˀlən] park ‘park’ [ˈpʰaːk] [ˈpʰaːkən] b. hal ‘hall’ [ˈhælˀ] [ˈhælˀən] ven ‘friend’ [ˈvɛn] [ˈvɛnˀən] brev ‘letter’ [ˈpræʊ̯ˀ] [ˈpræʊ̯ˀəð] c. gud ‘god’ [ˈkuð] [ˈkuːˀðən] hav ‘sea’ [ˈhaʊ̯] [ˈhæːˀʊ̯əð] 15

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Stress-to-Weight, vowel lengthening and stød Input mora remains in the coda: Input /pʁæʊ̯μ/ /pʁæʊ̯μ+əð/ Output pʁ μ æ μ ʊ̯ pʁ μ æ μ ʊ̯ . μ əð Stress-to-Weight coerces output bimoraicity. When a suffix is added, the non-moraic approximant resyllabifies and the vowel is lengthened. The long vowel has stød. Input /haʊ̯/ /haʊ̯+əð/ Output h μ a μ ʊ̯ h μ æˀ μ . ʊ̯ μ əð 16

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Problems Phonotactics and vowel-length alternations can be accounted for but stød must be stipulated. a. hus b. kat c. ven d. vennen h σ μ uˀ μ s kʰ σ μ æ μ t v σ μ ɛ μ n v σ μ ɛ μ nˀən 17

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Our Analysis

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Accounting for dual weight behaviour Generalizations: • Stressed syllables are heavy by default • Only high sonority segments in stressed syllables license recursion • Stødless high sonority segments are non-recursive • Heavy for stød implies heavy for stress Mora representation: • Top layer (maximal projection): stress and phonotactics • Bottom layer (non-maximal projection): stød 18

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Obstruents • Never partake in vowel-length alternations = Obligatorily projects a mora • Never carries stød = Cannot support recursion kat ‘cat’ katten ‘the cat’ kʰ μ μ æ μ t → kʰ μ μ æ μ t ən 19

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Long vowels • Never partake in vowel-length alternations = Obligatorily bimoraic • Presence/absence of stød is contrastive = Support recursion lim ‘glue’ limen ‘the glue’ l μ μ iːˀ μ μ m → l μ μ iːˀ μ μ m ən team ‘team’ teamet ‘the team’ tˢ μ μ iː μ m → tˢ μ μ iː μ m əð 20

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Sonorant consonants (non-approximants) • Never partake in vowel-length alternations = Obligatorily bimoraic • Presence/absence of stød is contrastive = Support recursion • Suffixation causes stød = Marked non-recursion protected in stem-final position • No alternation in clusters: drink [tʁæŋk], drinken [tʁæŋk] tand ‘tooth’ tanden ‘the tooth’ tˢ μ μ æ μ μ nˀ → tˢ μ μ æ μ μ nˀ ən ven ‘friend’ vennen ‘the friend’ v μ μ ɛ μ n → v μ μ ɛ μ μ nˀ ən 21

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Final short vowels • By definition monomoraic = Violation of Stress-to-Weight • Monomoraicity is protected in word-final position = Suffixing causes lengthening • Vocalic morae have stød by default = Recursive by default ja ‘yes’ jaet ‘the yes’ j μ μ æ → j μ μ æːˀ μ μ əð 22

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Approximants • Partake in vowel-length alternation = Contrastive input moraicity • Presence/absence of stød is contrastive • Underlyingly moraic approximants support recursion • Underlyingly non-moraic approximants do not support recursion 23

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Approximants • Partake in vowel-length alternation = Contrastive input moraicity • Presence/absence of stød is contrastive • Underlyingly moraic approximants support recursion • Underlyingly non-moraic approximants do not support recursion mad ‘sandwich’ madden ‘the sandwich’ m μ μ a μ ð → m μ μ a μ μ ðˀ ən ged ‘goat’ geden ‘the goat’ k μ μ e μ μ ðˀ → k μ μ e μ μ ðˀ ən 23

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Approximants • Partake in vowel-length alternation = Contrastive input moraicity • Presence/absence of stød is contrastive • Underlyingly moraic approximants support recursion • Underlyingly non-moraic approximants do not support recursion mad ‘sandwich’ madden ‘the sandwich’ m μ μ a μ ð → m μ μ a μ μ ðˀ ən mad ‘food’ maden ‘the food’ m μ μ a μ ð → m μ μ aːˀ μ μ .ðən 23

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Conclusions

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Dual weight criteria: anything goes? • Although the weight criteria are not identical, they are not independent • Heavy for stød ≫ Heavy for stress/phonotactics • This falls out from our representations 24

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Coerced weight and sonority in Danish • Taking lexical specification out of the equation, the default assignment of moraicity in Danish follows the sonority hierarchy Criterion Obstruents Non-approximants Approximants Vowels Stød never moraic moraic nonmoraic moraic Phonotactics moraic • Danish provides a counterexample to the Zec (1988), Morén (2001) implicational hierarchy of weight coercion • Likely because many coda approximants are historically obstruents 25

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Representation and computation • Our analysis describes which syllables are (un)able to count as heavy • We combine this with a stratal computation that captures where stød does and does not appear (Goldshtein & Iosad 2022, 29mfm) • Next step: tie the two together by explicitly working out what motivates stød/recursive mora projection 26

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For more For more, see Goldshtein (2023) Outline of a Prosodic Theory of Stød 27

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Thank you! [email protected] [email protected] 27

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Bonus material

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R-vocalization a. [maʁ̥k] b. vocalization c. [maːk] σ m μ μ a μ ʁ [Ρ] k [Δ] → σ m μ μ a μ ∅ [Ρ] k [Δ] → σ m μ μ a [Ρ] μ k [Δ] 28

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Sonorants MaxRecMoRa»NoRecMoRa-C[son] ]word » RecMoRa-C[son] ]stem »DepRecMoRa»RecMoRa High ranking MaxRecMoRa protects any recursive input mora and therfore tand [tˢænˀ] ‘tooth’ and bank [paŋˀk] ‘bank’ do not alternate with regard to stød. Non-recursive morae may alternate (i.e. become moraic), but only when they are stem-final and not word-final. Therefore ven [vɛn] ‘friend’ alternates but not drink [tʁæŋk] ‘drink’. 29

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Sonorants WL Input WL Output MaxRecMoRa NoRecMoRa-C[son] ]word RecMoRa-C[son] ]stem DepRecMoRa RecMoRa v μ μ ɛ μ n a. v μ μ ɛ μ μ nˀ *! * b. v μ μ ɛ μ n * * 30

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Sonorants WL Input WL Output MaxRecMoRa NoRecMoRa-C[son] ]word RecMoRa-C[son] ]stem DepRecMoRa RecMoRa v μ μ ɛ μ n ən c. v μ μ ɛ μ μ nˀ ən * d. v μ μ ɛ μ n ən *! * 31

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Sonorants WL Input WL Output MaxRecMoRa NoRecMoRa-C[son] ]word RecMoRa-C[son] ]stem DepRecMoRa RecMoRa tʁ μ μ æ μ ŋk a. tʁ μ μ æ μ μ ŋˀk *! b. tʁ μ μ æ μ ŋk * 32

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Sonorants WL Input WL Output MaxRecMoRa NoRecMoRa-C[son] ]word RecMoRa-C[son] ]stem DepRecMoRa RecMoRa tʁ μ μ æ μ ŋk ən c. tʁ μ μ æ μ μ ŋˀk ən *! d. tʁ μ μ æ μ ŋk ən * 33