rise of the digital platforms that dominate markets. Take Uber, for example; it is currently valued around 50 billion dollars. While it plays an important role in matching drivers with a passenger, the driving is done by a third party. Digital platforms, on the one hand, are incredibly powerful as they capture the ‘network effect’, but equivalently they are vulnerable. If there was a competing platform that saw this value be distributed in a different way which significantly lowered the price of a trip (Uber takes around a 20% cut from the drivers) this new platform could capture the market, realise the real costs for the drivers, and redistribute the remaining value to users. While these examples are not without their challenges, they present enough of a picture to suggest that community may have an important role to play in the market. Communities can tap informa- tion that is often inaccessible to the market and draw upon incentives such as trust, reputation, and solidarity, as well as incentives such as retribution. We need to find these companies, invest in them, learn from them and share that learning. For a more in-depth exploration see Bowles and Gintis (2002). PUTTING COMMUNITY BACK INTO THE STATE The idea that the people are sovereign is the cornerstone of our state. We exercise that sovereignty by electing representatives who on our behalf create and enforce the rules that we all live by. Considering the size of modern societies, this is a practical solution to an important and challenging problem. However, it comes with several significant trade-offs. To remain in power, the political party must convince the people every 3-4 years that their policies best represent the people’s interests. As such, policies are too often limited to yield results within an electoral cycle, and the contest for public opinion focuses on a few issues that more often than not become ideological and thus work to drive us apart. We are left with a system that struggles to shape public opinion, and thus we have a policy environment that is unstable and inefficient. Equally, we lack the tools to meaningfully contest poor political decisions outside of the electoral cycle, compounding the inefficiency. In practice, we have a ‘thin’ version of democracy with poor instruments to produce public opinion rationally and lack recourse against poor political decisions that undermine our material and meaning needs. Community again has a potentially important role to play in creating a ‘thicker’ form of democracy where we have natural forums and aligned incentives within which to form public opinion. To explore this idea, we will look at several examples. First, we look at the evolutionary origins of reason, then to the places in which we gather for inspiration, and finally, we look to the movements and their example of resisting power. For the majority of human history, community was the forum within which we formed our ideas. In fact, the very process of understanding is a social process. New theories of reason put forward by Mercier and Sperber (2011) make the case that the cognitive tools we use to make sense of the world, such as reason, evolved to serve social functions. If we are going to cooperate with others, for example, we must have tools to assess character, behaviour, and honesty. Likewise, we must establish that we are trustworthy, justify our behaviour and persuade to our own ends. Reason allows for all of this. However, the critical takeaway from Mercier and Sperber is that, due to the social function of reason, it appears that we are significantly better at evaluating reasoned arguments than producing them. Said differently, if you don’t have someone to help you to develop your thinking, it usually remains shallow. In fact, it turns out that we are very good at this dialogical process, which leads us to the conclusion that our focus should not be on developing better reasoning skills (although that is always welcome). Instead, we need to create the space for dialogue. 6 The Battle of the Beasts