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Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan from spell-out and prosodic phrasing

Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan from spell-out and prosodic phrasing

The 25th Meeting of the Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association
May 10-12, 2018, Taipei, Taiwan
http://ilas.ling.sinica.edu.tw/afla25/

krisyu

May 11, 2018
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  1. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan
    from spell-out and prosodic phrasing
    Kristine M. Yu
    [email protected]
    Department of Linguistics, UMass Amherst
    AFLA 25 May 11, 2018
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 1

    View Slide

  2. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Collaborators
    Matthew Frelinger Deniz ¨
    Ozyıldız Ed Stabler
    UMass Amherst UMass Amherst UCLA/Nuance
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 2

    View Slide

  3. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Introduction: the puzzle
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 3

    View Slide

  4. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    VSO/[VO]S word order alternation under
    VP-fronting account of VSO (Collins 2016: (3))
    (1) [VP
    V t] S O
    e
    pres
    [suPe
    search
    DPi ] pea
    continually
    e
    erg
    le
    det
    teine
    girl
    [le
    det
    maile
    dog
    ula]i
    mischievous
    ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 4

    View Slide

  5. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    VSO/[VO]S word order alternation under
    VP-fronting account of VSO (Collins 2016: (3))
    (1) [VP
    V t] S O
    e
    pres
    [suPe
    search
    DPi ] pea
    continually
    e
    erg
    le
    det
    teine
    girl
    [le
    det
    maile
    dog
    ula]i
    mischievous
    ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’
    (2) [VP
    V O] S
    e
    pres
    [suPe
    search
    [maile
    dog
    ula]NP
    ]VP
    mischievous
    pea
    continually
    le
    det
    teine
    girl
    ‘The girl continually searches for mischievous dogs.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 4

    View Slide

  6. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Empirical observation 1
    In Samoan, a high edge tone (H-) appears
    with absolutive arguments.
    (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler
    2017, Yu under revision):
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 5

    View Slide

  7. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    A high edge tone appears with absolutive arguments
    (3) [VP
    V t] S H- O
    e
    pres
    [suPe
    search
    DPi ] pea
    continually
    e
    erg
    le
    det
    teine
    girl
    H-
    abs
    [le
    det
    maile
    dog
    ula]i
    mischievous
    ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’
    (4) [VP
    V O] H- S
    e
    pres
    [suPe
    search
    [maile
    dog
    ula]NP
    ]VP
    mischievous
    pea
    continually
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    teine
    girl
    ‘The girl continually searches for mischievous dogs.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 6

    View Slide

  8. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Example: transitive clause with absolutive H-
    (5) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 7

    View Slide

  9. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Phonetic realization of H- tones in Samoan
    Pitch accent tones (LH*) track with stressed syllables.
    Edge tones (H-) track with word/phrase edges.
    150
    165
    180
    195
    210
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.2 0.4
    ma li ni
    No H-
    LH* not followed by H- ⊲
    150
    165
    180
    195
    210
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.2 0.4
    ma li ni
    LH* followed by H- ⊲
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 8

    View Slide

  10. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Fundamental frequency contour: transitive clause
    100
    125
    150
    175
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5
    LH* LH*
    H-
    LH*
    L-L%
    LH* LH*
    H-
    LH*
    L-L%
    na lalaNa e le malini le mamanu
    na la la Na e le ma li ni le ma ma nu
    F0 contour for transitive clause ⊲
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 9

    View Slide

  11. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Phonetic realization of H- tones in Samoan
    Pitch accent tones (LH*) track with stressed syllables.
    Edge tones (H-) track with word/phrase edges.
    150
    165
    180
    195
    210
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.2 0.4
    ma li ni
    No H-
    LH* not followed by H- ⊲
    150
    165
    180
    195
    210
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.2 0.4
    ma li ni
    LH* followed by H- ⊲
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 10

    View Slide

  12. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Empirical observation 2
    In Samoan, a high edge tone (H-) appears
    in coordination and fronting.
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016,
    Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 11

    View Slide

  13. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Observation 3: variable occurrence of edge tones
    In Samoan, high edge tones rarely appear
    with absolutive phrases preceded by naPo
    ‘only’.
    Also, high and low edge tones can vari-
    ably occur at the same position in the same
    sentence in syntactic configurations beyond
    absolutives, coordination, and fronting.
    (Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 12

    View Slide

  14. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Observation 3: variable occurrence of edge tones
    In Samoan, high edge tones rarely appear
    with absolutive phrases preceded by naPo
    ‘only’.
    Also, high and low edge tones can vari-
    ably occur at the same position in the same
    sentence in syntactic configurations beyond
    absolutives, coordination, and fronting.
    (Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    These edge tones are typically followed by an audible pause.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 12

    View Slide

  15. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s)
    How are the high edge tones related to one
    another?
    (and why is a high edge tone appearing with absolutive case?)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 13

    View Slide

  16. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Interlude: prosodic constituency
    Prosodic hierarchy: finite, ordered set of prosodic categories.
    Prosodic trees are derived using these categories
    Enumeration of prosodic categories (Selkirk 2011, (1)):
    1 Intonational phrase (ι)
    2 Phonological phrase (φ)
    3 Prosodic word (ω)
    4 Foot (Ft)
    5 Syllable (σ)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 14

    View Slide

  17. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Interlude: prosodic constituency
    Prosodic hierarchy: finite, ordered set of prosodic categories.
    Prosodic trees are derived using these categories
    Enumeration of prosodic categories (Selkirk 2011, (1)):
    1 Intonational phrase (ι)
    2 Phonological phrase (φ)
    3 Prosodic word (ω)
    4 Foot (Ft)
    5 Syllable (σ)
    How are these diagnosed? Phonetic cues, e.g., from tones,
    prosodically-conditioned segmental allophony, duration, strength of
    gesture
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 14

    View Slide

  18. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Interlude: prosodic constituency example
    (6) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    a. derived syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree
    CP
    C
    na C
    TP
    T
    t
    FP
    VP(1)
    V
    lalaNa
    DP
    t(0)
    F’
    F vP
    DP
    D
    le
    N
    malini
    v′
    DP(0)
    D
    le
    N
    mamanu
    v′
    tr
    vtr VP
    t(1)
    ι
    σ
    na
    φ
    φ
    lalaNa
    φ
    φ
    σ
    e
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 15

    View Slide

  19. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s)
    How are the high edge tones related to one
    another?
    (and why is a high edge tone appearing with absolutive case?)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 16

    View Slide

  20. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s): previous work
    Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption:
    H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some
    prosodic category type.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17

    View Slide

  21. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s): previous work
    Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption:
    H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some
    prosodic category type.
    1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases).
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17

    View Slide

  22. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s): previous work
    Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption:
    H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some
    prosodic category type.
    1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases).
    All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17

    View Slide

  23. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s): previous work
    Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption:
    H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some
    prosodic category type.
    1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases).
    All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015)
    Most φ-phrases derived from a particular theme-reme relation, a
    φ-phrase also appears in coordination (Calhoun 2017)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17

    View Slide

  24. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The puzzle(s): previous work
    Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption:
    H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some
    prosodic category type.
    1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases).
    All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015)
    Most φ-phrases derived from a particular theme-reme relation, a
    φ-phrase also appears in coordination (Calhoun 2017)
    2 All H-’s mark φ-phrases, with possible exception of absolutive H-
    (Yu 2011)
    Absolutive H- may be a tonal case marker, without marking a
    φ-phrase
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17

    View Slide

  25. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Puzzle: How are high edge tones related?
    This paper:
    Instead of unification hypothesis, fine-grained hypothesis:
    H-’s are triggered by particular syntactic
    configurations in spell-out.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 18

    View Slide

  26. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The broadness of the syntax-phonology interface
    The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad,
    encompassing different submodules of grammar and
    interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435)
    1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic
    constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic
    phenomena
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19

    View Slide

  27. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The broadness of the syntax-phonology interface
    The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad,
    encompassing different submodules of grammar and
    interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435)
    1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic
    constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic
    phenomena
    2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic
    feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of
    syntactic representation
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19

    View Slide

  28. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The broadness of the syntax-phonology interface
    The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad,
    encompassing different submodules of grammar and
    interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435)
    1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic
    constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic
    phenomena
    2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic
    feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of
    syntactic representation
    3 linearization of syntactic representation which produces the surface
    word order of the sentence as actually pronounced
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19

    View Slide

  29. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    The broadness of the syntax-phonology interface
    The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad,
    encompassing different submodules of grammar and
    interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435)
    1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic
    constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic
    phenomena
    2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic
    feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of
    syntactic representation
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19

    View Slide

  30. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones
    1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted
    in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations
    These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 20

    View Slide

  31. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones
    1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted
    in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations
    These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains
    2 Another, distinct class of high (and low) edge tones {H%, L%} is
    associated with prosodic constituent domains
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 20

    View Slide

  32. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Insertion of abs H- and erg e in spell-out
    (7) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    a. derived post-syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree
    CP
    C
    na C
    TP
    T
    t
    FP
    VP(1)
    V
    lalaNa
    DPabs
    t(0)
    F’
    F vP
    DPerg
    DP
    D
    le
    N
    malini
    v’
    DPabs
    DP(0)
    D
    le
    N
    mamanu
    v′
    tr
    vtr VP
    t(1)
    ι
    σ
    na
    φ
    φ
    lalaNa
    φ
    φ
    σ φ
    L
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    (Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu to appear)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 21

    View Slide

  33. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Insertion of abs H- and erg e in spell-out
    (7) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    a. derived post-syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree
    CP
    C
    na C
    TP
    T
    t
    FP
    VP(1)
    V
    lalaNa
    DPabs
    t(0)
    F’
    F vP
    DPerg
    e DP
    D
    le
    N
    malini
    v’
    DPabs
    H- DP(0)
    D
    le
    N
    mamanu
    v′
    tr
    vtr VP
    t(1)
    ι
    σ
    na
    φ
    φ
    lalaNa
    φ
    φ
    σ
    e
    φ
    L
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    H-
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    (Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu to appear)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 21

    View Slide

  34. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    H- inserted in spell-out, H/L% reflex of prosodic
    phrasing
    (8) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    a. sample prosodic tree b. another sample prosodic tree
    ι
    σ
    na
    φ
    φ
    lalaNa
    φ
    φ
    σ
    e
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    H-
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    ι
    σ
    na
    ι
    φ
    lalaNa
    ι
    ι -{H%,L%}
    σ
    e
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    H-
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 22

    View Slide

  35. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Fieldwork/data
    All consultants from (Western) Samoa
    Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age
    15, age 19-23 during elicitations
    ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation
    sessions through 2016
    Work with 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in
    November 2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012
    Work with 4 additional speakers in trips to Auckland, New Zealand
    in July 2015
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 23

    View Slide

  36. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 24

    View Slide

  37. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Distinct syntactic configurations triggering H-’s
    1 Absolutives: at right edge of word preceding absolutive
    (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu
    under revision)
    2 Coordination: at right edge of first coordinate
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu
    and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    3 Fronting: at right edge of fronted argument
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu
    and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 25

    View Slide

  38. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Distinct syntactic configurations triggering H-’s
    1 Absolutives: at right edge of word preceding absolutive
    (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu
    under revision)
    2 Coordination: at right edge of first coordinate
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu
    and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    3 Fronting: at right edge of fronted argument
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu
    and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)
    n.b., none of these syntactic environments can coincide: an H- can be
    uniquely traced back to its syntactic source within this set
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 25

    View Slide

  39. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples
    1 Absolutive
    na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26

    View Slide

  40. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples
    1 Absolutive
    na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    2 Coordination
    na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    [*(e)
    [erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    coord
    ma
    conj
    Malu]
    Malu]
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine and Malu wove the design.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26

    View Slide

  41. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples
    1 Absolutive
    na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    2 Coordination
    na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    [*(e)
    [erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    coord
    ma
    conj
    Malu]
    Malu]
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine and Malu wove the design.’
    3 Fronted argument
    [Po
    [topic
    le
    det
    malini]
    marine]
    H-
    front
    na
    past
    Nalue
    work
    i
    obl
    le
    det
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘It was the marine that worked on the design.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26

    View Slide

  42. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Evidence that H- is inserted in spell-out of abs case
    Distribution of abs H- patterns. . .
    1 differently than coord/fronting H-’s
    2 together with the other (segmental) case markers
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 27

    View Slide

  43. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia
    From Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız (2016):
    Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes
    absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen
    1988)
    Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic,
    but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28

    View Slide

  44. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia
    From Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız (2016):
    Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes
    absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen
    1988)
    Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic,
    but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution
    ia is a potential diachronic source of abs H-
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28

    View Slide

  45. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia
    From Yu and ¨
    Ozyıldız (2016):
    Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes
    absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen
    1988)
    Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic,
    but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution
    ia is a potential diachronic source of abs H-
    Where abs H- illicit before bare NPs, so is ia, e.g., before
    pseudo-incorporated objects
    ia licit only with H-’s that are absolutive.
    ia not licit with fronting or coordination H-’s.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28

    View Slide

  46. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Abs H- patterns with other case markers
    Absolutive H-, ia, ergative e all fail to surface:
    1 With argument traces (extraction out of relative clause, pro drop
    (Yu 2011, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under revision))
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 29

    View Slide

  47. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Abs H- patterns with other case markers
    Absolutive H-, ia, ergative e all fail to surface:
    1 With argument traces (extraction out of relative clause, pro drop
    (Yu 2011, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under revision))
    2 Under focus-sensitive naPo ‘only’, setting aside edge tones with
    pauses
    (Calhoun 2015, Calhoun 2017, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under
    revision)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 29

    View Slide

  48. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Case marking cannot co-occur with naPo ‘only’
    (9) Na‘o, abs subject.
    Context: Were Melina and Melani bad to the lion?
    na
    past
    leaNa
    bad
    *H-/ia
    abs/ia
    naPo
    only
    *H-/ia
    abs/ia
    Melina
    Melina
    i
    obl
    le
    det
    liona.
    lion
    ‘Only Melina was bad to the lion.’
    (10) Na‘o, abs object.
    Context: Did Melina hear the lion and the bird?
    na
    past
    laNona
    hear
    e
    erg
    Melina
    Melina
    *H-/ia
    *abs/ia
    naPo
    only
    *H-/ia
    *abs/ia
    le
    det
    liona.
    lion
    ‘Melina heard only the lion.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 30

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  49. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Case marking cannot co-occur with naPo ‘only’
    (11) Na‘o, erg subject.
    Context: Did Melina and Melani hear the lion?
    na
    past
    laNona
    hear
    *e
    *erg
    naPo
    only
    *e
    *erg
    Melina
    Melina
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    liona.
    lion
    ‘Only Melina heard the lion.’
    (12) Na‘o, obl PP.
    Context: Was Melina bad to the lion and the bird?
    na
    past
    leaNa
    bad
    H-
    abs
    Melina
    Melina
    *i
    *obl
    naPo
    only
    *i
    *obl
    le
    det
    liona.
    lion
    ‘Melina was bad to only the lion.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 31

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  50. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with
    absolutives?
    . . .noun phrases combined with na‘o are always unmarked
    for case: They occur in the function of fronted noun phrases,
    absolutive arguments in verbal clauses, predicates in nominal
    clauses, and predicative noun phrases in semi-verbal clauses”
    (Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, 272-273)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 32

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  51. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with
    absolutives?
    Why the discrepancy?
    1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33

    View Slide

  52. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with
    absolutives?
    Why the discrepancy?
    1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age)
    2 Instance of reference grammar conflating segmentally unmarked case
    with absolutive case?
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33

    View Slide

  53. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with
    absolutives?
    Why the discrepancy?
    1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age)
    2 Instance of reference grammar conflating segmentally unmarked case
    with absolutive case?
    Bare nominals are not necessarily absolutive arguments.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33

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  54. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out?
    So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34

    View Slide

  55. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out?
    So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s.
    There’s more points to argue:
    1 Coord, fronting, and abs H’s each distinct reflexes of syntactic
    constructions
    Reason: no way to pick these three syntactic configurations out as a
    unified set
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34

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  56. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out?
    So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s.
    There’s more points to argue:
    1 Coord, fronting, and abs H’s each distinct reflexes of syntactic
    constructions
    Reason: no way to pick these three syntactic configurations out as a
    unified set
    2 Coord, fronting, and abs H-’s are not a reflex of syntax-prosody
    mapping to φ-phrases
    Reason: they do not behave like edge tones associated with prosodic
    domains (Yu 2011, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu to appear)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34

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  57. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones
    1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted
    in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations
    These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 35

    View Slide

  58. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones
    1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted
    in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations
    These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains
    2 Another, distinct class of high (and low) edge tones {H%, L%} is
    associated with prosodic constituent domains
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 35

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  59. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017)
    (13) Na
    past
    filifili(a)
    choose
    {∅,H%} naPo
    only
    le
    det
    lavalava
    sarong
    e
    erg
    A:lana
    Alana
    ananafi.
    yesterday
    ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’
    (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6)
    No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36

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  60. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017)
    (13) Na
    past
    filifili(a)
    choose
    {∅,H%} naPo
    only
    le
    det
    lavalava
    sarong
    e
    erg
    A:lana
    Alana
    ananafi.
    yesterday
    ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’
    (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6)
    No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲
    These edge tones typically followed by an audible pause.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36

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  61. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017)
    (13) Na
    past
    filifili(a)
    choose
    {∅,H%} naPo
    only
    le
    det
    lavalava
    sarong
    e
    erg
    A:lana
    Alana
    ananafi.
    yesterday
    ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’
    (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6)
    No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲
    These edge tones typically followed by an audible pause.
    These edge tones variably present, even in same place in same
    sentence.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36

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  62. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Variable appearance of low edge tones
    (14) L-/% before erg in fronted construction ⊲
    Po
    top
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu
    design
    H-
    front
    na
    past
    lalaNa-ina
    weave-INA
    L-/% e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    aso:
    day
    ‘It was the marine that wove the design today.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 37

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  63. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Variable appearance of low edge tones
    (15) L-/% before obl in intransitive clause ⊲
    na
    past
    malaNa
    journey
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    L-/% i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    moana
    sea
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    aso:
    day
    ‘The marine journeyed to the sea today.’
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 37

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  64. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: One or two kinds of edge tones?
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 38

    View Slide

  65. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: One or two kinds of edge tones?
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 38

    View Slide

  66. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Comparison of two kinds of tones
    What conditions appearance of edge tones?
    H- H% (L%)
    Source Post-syntactic spell-out Prosodic domain mapping
    Key predictor Categorial syntactic Whatever derives
    configurations prosodic domains
    Variability little high
    Prosodic sensitivity little high
    Pause rare frequent
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 39

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  67. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Comparison of two kinds of tones
    What conditions appearance of edge tones?
    H- H% (L%)
    Source Post-syntactic spell-out Prosodic domain mapping
    Key predictor Categorial syntactic Whatever derives
    configurations prosodic domains
    Variability little high
    Prosodic sensitivity little high
    Pause rare frequent
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 39

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  68. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Where do prosodic domains come from?
    Syntax-prosody mapping assumptions: classic alternatives
    1 Unpredictable syntax-prosody mapping (prosodic factors, speech
    planning, prosodic planning, other contextual effects)
    (Jun 1998, 2005, 2014; Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, i.a.)
    2 Direct syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., unifying cross-categorial
    syntactic relation like c-command relations
    (Kaisse 1985; Odden 1987; Pak 2008, i.a.)
    3 Indirect syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., cross-categorial rules like XP
    → φ
    (Nespor and Vogel 1986; Selkirk 1986; Hayes 1989; Truckenbrodt 1999; Wagner 2010;
    Selkirk 2011, i.a.)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 40

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  69. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Where do prosodic domains come from?
    Syntax-prosody mapping assumptions: classic alternatives
    1 Unpredictable syntax-prosody mapping (prosodic factors, speech
    planning, prosodic planning, other contextual effects)
    (Jun 1998, 2005, 2014; Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, i.a.)
    2 Direct syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., unifying cross-categorial
    syntactic relation like c-command relations
    (Kaisse 1985; Odden 1987; Pak 2008, i.a.)
    3 Indirect syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., cross-categorial rules like XP
    → φ
    (Nespor and Vogel 1986; Selkirk 1986; Hayes 1989; Truckenbrodt 1999; Wagner 2010;
    Selkirk 2011, i.a.)
    Non-syntactic information structure (Calhoun 2017)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 40

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  70. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: One kind of edge tone
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 41

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  71. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Invariability of abs H-: distributional asymmetry to
    account for
    If only one kind of edge tone (associated with prosodic domains). . .
    What cross-categorial syntactic relation could account for this
    regular asymmetry?
    [VP
    V t] S H- O
    [VP
    V O] H- S
    Syntactic analysis must place a major syntactic constituency (or phase)
    boundary:
    preceding the subject in pseudo-noun incorporation. . .
    but not preceding the subject in transitive clauses.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 42

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  72. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Example of variability induced by prosodic factors
    (16) Sensitivity of prosodic phrasing to speech rate in Calcutta
    Bengali (Hayes and Lahiri 1991)
    a. (Omor)
    Armor

    cador)
    scarf
    (tara-ke)
    Tara-obj
    (d´
    ıeˇ
    che) deliberate speech
    gave
    ‘Armor gave a scarf to Tara’
    b. (Omor ˇ
    cador) (tara-ke) (d´
    ıeˇ
    che) faster speech
    c. (Omor) (ˇ
    cador tara-ke) (d´
    ıeˇ
    che) faster speech
    d. (Omor ˇ
    cador tara-ke) (d´
    ıeˇ
    che) very rapid speech
    This is not how Samoan H-’s behave. (Yu and Stabler 2017)
    But H%/L% tones in Samoan show this kind of variability/sensitivity.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 43

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  73. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Review of empirical observations about Samoan
    A high edge tone (H-) appears with absolutive ar-
    guments, in coordination, and in fronting.
    High edge tones (H%) rarely appear with absolutive
    phrases preceded by naPo ‘only’.
    Also, high and low edge tones (H%, L%) can vari-
    ably occur at the same position in the same sentence
    in syntactic configurations beyond absolutives, coor-
    dination, and fronting.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 44

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  74. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Proposal: Two kinds of edge tones
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 45

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  75. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    H- inserted in spell-out, H/L% reflex of prosodic
    phrasing
    (8) na
    past
    lalaNa
    weave
    *(e)
    erg
    le
    det
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det
    mamanu. ⊲
    design
    ‘The marine wove the design.’
    a. sample prosodic tree b. another sample prosodic tree
    ι
    σ
    na
    φ
    φ
    lalaNa
    φ
    φ
    σ
    e
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    H-
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    ι
    σ
    na
    ι
    φ
    lalaNa
    ι
    ι -{H%,L%}
    σ
    e
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    malini
    φ
    σ
    H-
    φ
    σ
    le
    ω
    mamanu
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 46

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  76. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Some lessons
    1 Tones that have the same surface realization, e.g., H-, might still
    have distinct sources.
    2 Edge tones might not necessarily be a reflex of prosodic domains.
    3 Syntax-prosody interface is not just syntax-prosody domain
    mapping, also includes spell-out.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 47

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  77. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Acknowledgements
    We gratefully acknowledge our primary consultants in Los Angeles, John
    Fruean and Kare’l Lokeni and thank Gladys Fuimaono and Peone
    Fuimaono for coordination of fieldwork in Apia, Samoa, and Jason Brown
    for coordination of fieldwork in Auckland. We thank Rajesh Bhatt, Mara
    Breen, Seth Cable, Sandy Chung, James Collins, Lisa Selkirk, Ellen
    Woolford, Kie Zuraw, many anonymous reviewers, and audiences at
    AFLA 22, Experimental and Theoretical Approaches to Prosody 3,
    Workshop on the Effects of Constituency on Sentence Phonology, and
    the Yale University Department of Linguistics for their suggestions and
    comments, which have greatly improved this work. This work was funded
    by the Department of Linguistics at University of Maryland College Park
    and the Department of Linguistics at University of Massachusetts
    Amherst.
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 48

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  78. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    On the particle ia
    Mosel and Hovdhaugen (1992):
    The absolutive preposition ia is always optional. It is mostly
    used before proper names of persons and is seldom used in
    literary texts. (p. 143)
    Vonen (1988):
    The absolutive marker [ ia] is much less used in Samoan than in
    Tokelauan. In Samoan, it is always optional and when used, it
    mostly occurs in the same position as TOK [Tokelauan] ia.
    SAM ia, however, can be followed by an article, especially after
    hesitation. See Hovdhaugen (1987:154-155).
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 49

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  79. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Hypothesis for origin of absolutive H-
    Hypothesis: Absolutive H- emerged diachronically from segmental
    [ia] particle: segmental deletion and reassociation of orphaned
    tone
    ia is bimoraic and receives penult stress; pitch accent provides
    source tone for reassociation
    H H
    =
    manu i a
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 50

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  80. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Calhoun (2017, p. 37) information structure proposal
    1 The default ordering of information in Samoan is rheme-theme. In
    this order, the rheme is normally phrased separately to the theme.
    2 If the theme contains a focus, it should normally precede the rheme,
    a focused theme following the rheme is dispreferred. In theme-rheme
    order, a prosodic boundary between the constituents is optional.
    3 H- phrase tones mark an information unit as incomplete. Typically,
    this marks the end of a rheme with a following theme. However, H-
    tones can also mark coordinated information units.
    4 L- phrase tones mark a completed information unit.
    5 A weak ((!)H*) or no accent on a constituent marks it as
    backgrounded.
    Why do post-verbal absolutive arguments so consistently mark the
    beginning of the theme?
    How to determine what theme and rheme is, for any given utterance?
    What about coordination?
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 51

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  81. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure
    account and syntax
    Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative
    case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52

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  82. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure
    account and syntax
    Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative
    case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting
    What determines if object shift occurs?
    Specificity: Niuean (Massam 2000, 2001)
    Topicality: Dyirbal and Nez Pearce (Dixon 1972 and Rude 1977)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52

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  83. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure
    account and syntax
    Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative
    case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting
    What determines if object shift occurs?
    Specificity: Niuean (Massam 2000, 2001)
    Topicality: Dyirbal and Nez Pearce (Dixon 1972 and Rude 1977)
    Possibility: H- occurs on absolutive in Samoan because it is topical
    and has undergone topic shift
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52

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  84. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

    View Slide

  85. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be
    genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

    View Slide

  86. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be
    genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses
    In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for
    intransitive subject S
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

    View Slide

  87. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be
    genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses
    In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for
    intransitive subject S
    Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout
    rules for coordination and clefted structures
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

    View Slide

  88. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be
    genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses
    In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for
    intransitive subject S
    Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout
    rules for coordination and clefted structures
    Verb-initial ordering derived by fronting the VP to a function head F
    below T after the arguments have been raised out of it (Collins)
    Head movement moves T na to C (Collins)
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

    View Slide

  89. Introduction: the puzzle
    Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s
    Evidence for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s
    Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones
    What is the absolutive H-?
    Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)):
    Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc
    Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be
    genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses
    In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for
    intransitive subject S
    Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout
    rules for coordination and clefted structures
    Verb-initial ordering derived by fronting the VP to a function head F
    below T after the arguments have been raised out of it (Collins)
    Head movement moves T na to C (Collins)
    Other ideas about abs: (1) material preceding abs fronted into high
    Spec position, (2) abs arguments extrapose
    Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53

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