Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan from spell-out and prosodic phrasing

Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan from spell-out and prosodic phrasing

The 25th Meeting of the Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association
May 10-12, 2018, Taipei, Taiwan
http://ilas.ling.sinica.edu.tw/afla25/

20a8ff44959a902d76386e2a75592154?s=128

krisyu

May 11, 2018
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Transcript

  1. 1.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Distinct

    kinds of tones in Samoan from spell-out and prosodic phrasing Kristine M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Department of Linguistics, UMass Amherst AFLA 25 May 11, 2018 Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 1
  2. 2.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Collaborators

    Matthew Frelinger Deniz ¨ Ozyıldız Ed Stabler UMass Amherst UMass Amherst UCLA/Nuance Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 2
  3. 3.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Introduction:

    the puzzle Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 3
  4. 4.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s VSO/[VO]S

    word order alternation under VP-fronting account of VSO (Collins 2016: (3)) (1) [VP V t] S O e pres [suPe search DPi ] pea continually e erg le det teine girl [le det maile dog ula]i mischievous ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 4
  5. 5.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s VSO/[VO]S

    word order alternation under VP-fronting account of VSO (Collins 2016: (3)) (1) [VP V t] S O e pres [suPe search DPi ] pea continually e erg le det teine girl [le det maile dog ula]i mischievous ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’ (2) [VP V O] S e pres [suPe search [maile dog ula]NP ]VP mischievous pea continually le det teine girl ‘The girl continually searches for mischievous dogs.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 4
  6. 6.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Empirical

    observation 1 In Samoan, a high edge tone (H-) appears with absolutive arguments. (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision): Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 5
  7. 7.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s A

    high edge tone appears with absolutive arguments (3) [VP V t] S H- O e pres [suPe search DPi ] pea continually e erg le det teine girl H- abs [le det maile dog ula]i mischievous ‘The girl continually searches for the mischievous dog.’ (4) [VP V O] H- S e pres [suPe search [maile dog ula]NP ]VP mischievous pea continually H- abs le det teine girl ‘The girl continually searches for mischievous dogs.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 6
  8. 8.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Example:

    transitive clause with absolutive H- (5) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 7
  9. 9.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Phonetic

    realization of H- tones in Samoan Pitch accent tones (LH*) track with stressed syllables. Edge tones (H-) track with word/phrase edges. 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni No H- LH* not followed by H- ⊲ 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni LH* followed by H- ⊲ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 8
  10. 10.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Fundamental

    frequency contour: transitive clause 100 125 150 175 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 LH* LH* H- LH* L-L% LH* LH* H- LH* L-L% na lalaNa e le malini le mamanu na la la Na e le ma li ni le ma ma nu F0 contour for transitive clause ⊲ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 9
  11. 11.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Phonetic

    realization of H- tones in Samoan Pitch accent tones (LH*) track with stressed syllables. Edge tones (H-) track with word/phrase edges. 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni No H- LH* not followed by H- ⊲ 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni LH* followed by H- ⊲ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 10
  12. 12.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Empirical

    observation 2 In Samoan, a high edge tone (H-) appears in coordination and fronting. (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 11
  13. 13.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Observation

    3: variable occurrence of edge tones In Samoan, high edge tones rarely appear with absolutive phrases preceded by naPo ‘only’. Also, high and low edge tones can vari- ably occur at the same position in the same sentence in syntactic configurations beyond absolutives, coordination, and fronting. (Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 12
  14. 14.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Observation

    3: variable occurrence of edge tones In Samoan, high edge tones rarely appear with absolutive phrases preceded by naPo ‘only’. Also, high and low edge tones can vari- ably occur at the same position in the same sentence in syntactic configurations beyond absolutives, coordination, and fronting. (Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) These edge tones are typically followed by an audible pause. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 12
  15. 15.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s) How are the high edge tones related to one another? (and why is a high edge tone appearing with absolutive case?) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 13
  16. 16.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Interlude:

    prosodic constituency Prosodic hierarchy: finite, ordered set of prosodic categories. Prosodic trees are derived using these categories Enumeration of prosodic categories (Selkirk 2011, (1)): 1 Intonational phrase (ι) 2 Phonological phrase (φ) 3 Prosodic word (ω) 4 Foot (Ft) 5 Syllable (σ) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 14
  17. 17.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Interlude:

    prosodic constituency Prosodic hierarchy: finite, ordered set of prosodic categories. Prosodic trees are derived using these categories Enumeration of prosodic categories (Selkirk 2011, (1)): 1 Intonational phrase (ι) 2 Phonological phrase (φ) 3 Prosodic word (ω) 4 Foot (Ft) 5 Syllable (σ) How are these diagnosed? Phonetic cues, e.g., from tones, prosodically-conditioned segmental allophony, duration, strength of gesture Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 14
  18. 18.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Interlude:

    prosodic constituency example (6) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ a. derived syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree CP C na C TP T t FP VP(1) V lalaNa DP t(0) F’ F vP DP D le N malini v′ DP(0) D le N mamanu v′ tr vtr VP t(1) ι σ na φ φ lalaNa φ φ σ e φ σ le ω malini φ σ le ω mamanu Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 15
  19. 19.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s) How are the high edge tones related to one another? (and why is a high edge tone appearing with absolutive case?) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 16
  20. 20.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s): previous work Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption: H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some prosodic category type. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17
  21. 21.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s): previous work Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption: H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some prosodic category type. 1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases). Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17
  22. 22.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s): previous work Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption: H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some prosodic category type. 1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases). All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17
  23. 23.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s): previous work Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption: H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some prosodic category type. 1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases). All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015) Most φ-phrases derived from a particular theme-reme relation, a φ-phrase also appears in coordination (Calhoun 2017) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17
  24. 24.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    puzzle(s): previous work Prevoius work: unification hypotheses with common assumption: H- inserted in phonological grammar as reflex of some prosodic category type. 1 All H-’s mark the right edge of phonological phrases (φ-phrases). All φ-phrases derived from (syntactic) XPs (Calhoun 2015) Most φ-phrases derived from a particular theme-reme relation, a φ-phrase also appears in coordination (Calhoun 2017) 2 All H-’s mark φ-phrases, with possible exception of absolutive H- (Yu 2011) Absolutive H- may be a tonal case marker, without marking a φ-phrase Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 17
  25. 25.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Puzzle:

    How are high edge tones related? This paper: Instead of unification hypothesis, fine-grained hypothesis: H-’s are triggered by particular syntactic configurations in spell-out. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 18
  26. 26.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    broadness of the syntax-phonology interface The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435) 1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19
  27. 27.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    broadness of the syntax-phonology interface The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435) 1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena 2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of syntactic representation Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19
  28. 28.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    broadness of the syntax-phonology interface The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435) 1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena 2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of syntactic representation 3 linearization of syntactic representation which produces the surface word order of the sentence as actually pronounced Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19
  29. 29.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s The

    broadness of the syntax-phonology interface The topic of the syntax-phonology interface is broad, encompassing different submodules of grammar and interactions of these. . . (Selkirk 2011, 435) 1 the relation between syntactic constituency and the prosodic constituent domains for sentence-level phonological and phonetic phenomena 2 the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of syntactic representation Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 19
  30. 30.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Proposal:

    distinct kinds of high edge tones 1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 20
  31. 31.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Proposal:

    distinct kinds of high edge tones 1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains 2 Another, distinct class of high (and low) edge tones {H%, L%} is associated with prosodic constituent domains Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 20
  32. 32.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Insertion

    of abs H- and erg e in spell-out (7) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ a. derived post-syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree CP C na C TP T t FP VP(1) V lalaNa DPabs t(0) F’ F vP DPerg DP D le N malini v’ DPabs DP(0) D le N mamanu v′ tr vtr VP t(1) ι σ na φ φ lalaNa φ φ σ φ L le ω malini φ σ φ σ le ω mamanu (Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu to appear) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 21
  33. 33.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Insertion

    of abs H- and erg e in spell-out (7) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ a. derived post-syntactic tree b. sample prosodic tree CP C na C TP T t FP VP(1) V lalaNa DPabs t(0) F’ F vP DPerg e DP D le N malini v’ DPabs H- DP(0) D le N mamanu v′ tr vtr VP t(1) ι σ na φ φ lalaNa φ φ σ e φ L le ω malini φ σ H- φ σ le ω mamanu (Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu to appear) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 21
  34. 34.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s H-

    inserted in spell-out, H/L% reflex of prosodic phrasing (8) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ a. sample prosodic tree b. another sample prosodic tree ι σ na φ φ lalaNa φ φ σ e φ σ le ω malini φ σ H- φ σ le ω mamanu ι σ na ι φ lalaNa ι ι -{H%,L%} σ e φ σ le ω malini φ σ H- φ σ le ω mamanu Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 22
  35. 35.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Fieldwork/data

    All consultants from (Western) Samoa Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15, age 19-23 during elicitations ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions through 2016 Work with 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November 2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012 Work with 4 additional speakers in trips to Auckland, New Zealand in July 2015 Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 23
  36. 36.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 24
  37. 37.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Distinct syntactic configurations triggering H-’s 1 Absolutives: at right edge of word preceding absolutive (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) 2 Coordination: at right edge of first coordinate (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) 3 Fronting: at right edge of fronted argument (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 25
  38. 38.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Distinct syntactic configurations triggering H-’s 1 Absolutives: at right edge of word preceding absolutive (Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) 2 Coordination: at right edge of first coordinate (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) 3 Fronting: at right edge of fronted argument (Orfitelli and Yu 2009, Yu 2011, Calhoun 2015, Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız 2016, Calhoun 2017, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) n.b., none of these syntactic environments can coincide: an H- can be uniquely traced back to its syntactic source within this set Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 25
  39. 39.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples 1 Absolutive na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. design ‘The marine wove the design.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26
  40. 40.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples 1 Absolutive na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. design ‘The marine wove the design.’ 2 Coordination na past lalaNa weave [*(e) [erg le det malini marine H- coord ma conj Malu] Malu] H- abs le det mamanu. design ‘The marine and Malu wove the design.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26
  41. 41.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Distinct syntactic H-’s: examples 1 Absolutive na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. design ‘The marine wove the design.’ 2 Coordination na past lalaNa weave [*(e) [erg le det malini marine H- coord ma conj Malu] Malu] H- abs le det mamanu. design ‘The marine and Malu wove the design.’ 3 Fronted argument [Po [topic le det malini] marine] H- front na past Nalue work i obl le det mamanu. design ‘It was the marine that worked on the design.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 26
  42. 42.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Evidence that H- is inserted in spell-out of abs case Distribution of abs H- patterns. . . 1 differently than coord/fronting H-’s 2 together with the other (segmental) case markers Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 27
  43. 43.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia From Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız (2016): Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen 1988) Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic, but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28
  44. 44.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia From Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız (2016): Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen 1988) Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic, but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution ia is a potential diachronic source of abs H- Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28
  45. 45.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Abs H- is distinct from coord/fronting H-’s: ia From Yu and ¨ Ozyıldız (2016): Anecdotal mentions of “always optional” particle, ia, that precedes absolutives (Hovdhaugen 1987, Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, Vonen 1988) Frequency of usage of absolutive ia currently seems very sporadic, but speakers still have systematic intuitions about distribution ia is a potential diachronic source of abs H- Where abs H- illicit before bare NPs, so is ia, e.g., before pseudo-incorporated objects ia licit only with H-’s that are absolutive. ia not licit with fronting or coordination H-’s. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 28
  46. 46.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Abs H- patterns with other case markers Absolutive H-, ia, ergative e all fail to surface: 1 With argument traces (extraction out of relative clause, pro drop (Yu 2011, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 29
  47. 47.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Abs H- patterns with other case markers Absolutive H-, ia, ergative e all fail to surface: 1 With argument traces (extraction out of relative clause, pro drop (Yu 2011, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under revision)) 2 Under focus-sensitive naPo ‘only’, setting aside edge tones with pauses (Calhoun 2015, Calhoun 2017, Yu & Stabler 2017, Yu under revision) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 29
  48. 48.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Case marking cannot co-occur with naPo ‘only’ (9) Na‘o, abs subject. Context: Were Melina and Melani bad to the lion? na past leaNa bad *H-/ia abs/ia naPo only *H-/ia abs/ia Melina Melina i obl le det liona. lion ‘Only Melina was bad to the lion.’ (10) Na‘o, abs object. Context: Did Melina hear the lion and the bird? na past laNona hear e erg Melina Melina *H-/ia *abs/ia naPo only *H-/ia *abs/ia le det liona. lion ‘Melina heard only the lion.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 30
  49. 49.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Case marking cannot co-occur with naPo ‘only’ (11) Na‘o, erg subject. Context: Did Melina and Melani hear the lion? na past laNona hear *e *erg naPo only *e *erg Melina Melina H- abs le det liona. lion ‘Only Melina heard the lion.’ (12) Na‘o, obl PP. Context: Was Melina bad to the lion and the bird? na past leaNa bad H- abs Melina Melina *i *obl naPo only *i *obl le det liona. lion ‘Melina was bad to only the lion.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 31
  50. 50.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with absolutives? . . .noun phrases combined with na‘o are always unmarked for case: They occur in the function of fronted noun phrases, absolutive arguments in verbal clauses, predicates in nominal clauses, and predicative noun phrases in semi-verbal clauses” (Mosel and Hovdhaugen 1992, 272-273) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 32
  51. 51.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with absolutives? Why the discrepancy? 1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33
  52. 52.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with absolutives? Why the discrepancy? 1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age) 2 Instance of reference grammar conflating segmentally unmarked case with absolutive case? Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33
  53. 53.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Mosel and Hovhaugen (1992): na‘o only with absolutives? Why the discrepancy? 1 Language change? (but consultants’ ages 19, 23, 48 years of age) 2 Instance of reference grammar conflating segmentally unmarked case with absolutive case? Bare nominals are not necessarily absolutive arguments. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 33
  54. 54.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out? So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34
  55. 55.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out? So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s. There’s more points to argue: 1 Coord, fronting, and abs H’s each distinct reflexes of syntactic constructions Reason: no way to pick these three syntactic configurations out as a unified set Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34
  56. 56.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Evidence coord and fronting H-’s also in spell-out? So far, only argued that abs H- distinct from coord and fronting H’s. There’s more points to argue: 1 Coord, fronting, and abs H’s each distinct reflexes of syntactic constructions Reason: no way to pick these three syntactic configurations out as a unified set 2 Coord, fronting, and abs H-’s are not a reflex of syntax-prosody mapping to φ-phrases Reason: they do not behave like edge tones associated with prosodic domains (Yu 2011, Yu and Stabler 2017, Yu to appear) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 34
  57. 57.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones 1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 35
  58. 58.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: distinct kinds of high edge tones 1 Absolutive H- is one among a number of H-’s in Samoan inserted in spell-out of specific syntactic configurations These tones are not a reflex of some mapping to prosodic domains 2 Another, distinct class of high (and low) edge tones {H%, L%} is associated with prosodic constituent domains Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 35
  59. 59.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017) (13) Na past filifili(a) choose {∅,H%} naPo only le det lavalava sarong e erg A:lana Alana ananafi. yesterday ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’ (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6) No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36
  60. 60.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017) (13) Na past filifili(a) choose {∅,H%} naPo only le det lavalava sarong e erg A:lana Alana ananafi. yesterday ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’ (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6) No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲ These edge tones typically followed by an audible pause. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36
  61. 61.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Edge tones in a na‘o construction (Calhoun 2017) (13) Na past filifili(a) choose {∅,H%} naPo only le det lavalava sarong e erg A:lana Alana ananafi. yesterday ‘Alana only chose a sarong yesterday.’ (Calhoun 2017: (61), Figure 6) No edge tone ⊲ High edge tone ⊲ These edge tones typically followed by an audible pause. These edge tones variably present, even in same place in same sentence. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 36
  62. 62.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Variable appearance of low edge tones (14) L-/% before erg in fronted construction ⊲ Po top le det.sg mamanu design H- front na past lalaNa-ina weave-INA L-/% e erg le det.sg malini marine i obl le det.sg aso: day ‘It was the marine that wove the design today.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 37
  63. 63.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Variable appearance of low edge tones (15) L-/% before obl in intransitive clause ⊲ na past malaNa journey H- abs le det.sg malini marine L-/% i obl le det.sg moana sea i obl le det.sg aso: day ‘The marine journeyed to the sea today.’ Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 37
  64. 64.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: One or two kinds of edge tones? Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 38
  65. 65.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: One or two kinds of edge tones? Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 38
  66. 66.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Comparison of two kinds of tones What conditions appearance of edge tones? H- H% (L%) Source Post-syntactic spell-out Prosodic domain mapping Key predictor Categorial syntactic Whatever derives configurations prosodic domains Variability little high Prosodic sensitivity little high Pause rare frequent Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 39
  67. 67.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Comparison of two kinds of tones What conditions appearance of edge tones? H- H% (L%) Source Post-syntactic spell-out Prosodic domain mapping Key predictor Categorial syntactic Whatever derives configurations prosodic domains Variability little high Prosodic sensitivity little high Pause rare frequent Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 39
  68. 68.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Where do prosodic domains come from? Syntax-prosody mapping assumptions: classic alternatives 1 Unpredictable syntax-prosody mapping (prosodic factors, speech planning, prosodic planning, other contextual effects) (Jun 1998, 2005, 2014; Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, i.a.) 2 Direct syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., unifying cross-categorial syntactic relation like c-command relations (Kaisse 1985; Odden 1987; Pak 2008, i.a.) 3 Indirect syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., cross-categorial rules like XP → φ (Nespor and Vogel 1986; Selkirk 1986; Hayes 1989; Truckenbrodt 1999; Wagner 2010; Selkirk 2011, i.a.) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 40
  69. 69.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Where do prosodic domains come from? Syntax-prosody mapping assumptions: classic alternatives 1 Unpredictable syntax-prosody mapping (prosodic factors, speech planning, prosodic planning, other contextual effects) (Jun 1998, 2005, 2014; Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, i.a.) 2 Direct syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., unifying cross-categorial syntactic relation like c-command relations (Kaisse 1985; Odden 1987; Pak 2008, i.a.) 3 Indirect syntax-prosody mapping, e.g., cross-categorial rules like XP → φ (Nespor and Vogel 1986; Selkirk 1986; Hayes 1989; Truckenbrodt 1999; Wagner 2010; Selkirk 2011, i.a.) Non-syntactic information structure (Calhoun 2017) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 40
  70. 70.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: One kind of edge tone Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 41
  71. 71.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Invariability of abs H-: distributional asymmetry to account for If only one kind of edge tone (associated with prosodic domains). . . What cross-categorial syntactic relation could account for this regular asymmetry? [VP V t] S H- O [VP V O] H- S Syntactic analysis must place a major syntactic constituency (or phase) boundary: preceding the subject in pseudo-noun incorporation. . . but not preceding the subject in transitive clauses. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 42
  72. 72.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Example of variability induced by prosodic factors (16) Sensitivity of prosodic phrasing to speech rate in Calcutta Bengali (Hayes and Lahiri 1991) a. (Omor) Armor (ˇ cador) scarf (tara-ke) Tara-obj (d´ ıeˇ che) deliberate speech gave ‘Armor gave a scarf to Tara’ b. (Omor ˇ cador) (tara-ke) (d´ ıeˇ che) faster speech c. (Omor) (ˇ cador tara-ke) (d´ ıeˇ che) faster speech d. (Omor ˇ cador tara-ke) (d´ ıeˇ che) very rapid speech This is not how Samoan H-’s behave. (Yu and Stabler 2017) But H%/L% tones in Samoan show this kind of variability/sensitivity. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 43
  73. 73.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Review of empirical observations about Samoan A high edge tone (H-) appears with absolutive ar- guments, in coordination, and in fronting. High edge tones (H%) rarely appear with absolutive phrases preceded by naPo ‘only’. Also, high and low edge tones (H%, L%) can vari- ably occur at the same position in the same sentence in syntactic configurations beyond absolutives, coor- dination, and fronting. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 44
  74. 74.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Proposal: Two kinds of edge tones Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 45
  75. 75.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones H- inserted in spell-out, H/L% reflex of prosodic phrasing (8) na past lalaNa weave *(e) erg le det malini marine H- abs le det mamanu. ⊲ design ‘The marine wove the design.’ a. sample prosodic tree b. another sample prosodic tree ι σ na φ φ lalaNa φ φ σ e φ σ le ω malini φ σ H- φ σ le ω mamanu ι σ na ι φ lalaNa ι ι -{H%,L%} σ e φ σ le ω malini φ σ H- φ σ le ω mamanu Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 46
  76. 76.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Some lessons 1 Tones that have the same surface realization, e.g., H-, might still have distinct sources. 2 Edge tones might not necessarily be a reflex of prosodic domains. 3 Syntax-prosody interface is not just syntax-prosody domain mapping, also includes spell-out. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 47
  77. 77.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Acknowledgements We gratefully acknowledge our primary consultants in Los Angeles, John Fruean and Kare’l Lokeni and thank Gladys Fuimaono and Peone Fuimaono for coordination of fieldwork in Apia, Samoa, and Jason Brown for coordination of fieldwork in Auckland. We thank Rajesh Bhatt, Mara Breen, Seth Cable, Sandy Chung, James Collins, Lisa Selkirk, Ellen Woolford, Kie Zuraw, many anonymous reviewers, and audiences at AFLA 22, Experimental and Theoretical Approaches to Prosody 3, Workshop on the Effects of Constituency on Sentence Phonology, and the Yale University Department of Linguistics for their suggestions and comments, which have greatly improved this work. This work was funded by the Department of Linguistics at University of Maryland College Park and the Department of Linguistics at University of Massachusetts Amherst. Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 48
  78. 78.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones On the particle ia Mosel and Hovdhaugen (1992): The absolutive preposition ia is always optional. It is mostly used before proper names of persons and is seldom used in literary texts. (p. 143) Vonen (1988): The absolutive marker [ ia] is much less used in Samoan than in Tokelauan. In Samoan, it is always optional and when used, it mostly occurs in the same position as TOK [Tokelauan] ia. SAM ia, however, can be followed by an article, especially after hesitation. See Hovdhaugen (1987:154-155). Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 49
  79. 79.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Hypothesis for origin of absolutive H- Hypothesis: Absolutive H- emerged diachronically from segmental [ia] particle: segmental deletion and reassociation of orphaned tone ia is bimoraic and receives penult stress; pitch accent provides source tone for reassociation H H = manu i a Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 50
  80. 80.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Calhoun (2017, p. 37) information structure proposal 1 The default ordering of information in Samoan is rheme-theme. In this order, the rheme is normally phrased separately to the theme. 2 If the theme contains a focus, it should normally precede the rheme, a focused theme following the rheme is dispreferred. In theme-rheme order, a prosodic boundary between the constituents is optional. 3 H- phrase tones mark an information unit as incomplete. Typically, this marks the end of a rheme with a following theme. However, H- tones can also mark coordinated information units. 4 L- phrase tones mark a completed information unit. 5 A weak ((!)H*) or no accent on a constituent marks it as backgrounded. Why do post-verbal absolutive arguments so consistently mark the beginning of the theme? How to determine what theme and rheme is, for any given utterance? What about coordination? Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 51
  81. 81.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure account and syntax Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52
  82. 82.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure account and syntax Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting What determines if object shift occurs? Specificity: Niuean (Massam 2000, 2001) Topicality: Dyirbal and Nez Pearce (Dixon 1972 and Rude 1977) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52
  83. 83.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones Linking Calhoun (2017) informational structure account and syntax Under VP-fronting analysis, what determines if subject gets ergative case is whether object shift occurs before VP-fronting What determines if object shift occurs? Specificity: Niuean (Massam 2000, 2001) Topicality: Dyirbal and Nez Pearce (Dixon 1972 and Rude 1977) Possibility: H- occurs on absolutive in Samoan because it is topical and has undergone topic shift Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 52
  84. 84.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53
  85. 85.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53
  86. 86.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for intransitive subject S Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53
  87. 87.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for intransitive subject S Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout rules for coordination and clefted structures Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53
  88. 88.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for intransitive subject S Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout rules for coordination and clefted structures Verb-initial ordering derived by fronting the VP to a function head F below T after the arguments have been raised out of it (Collins) Head movement moves T na to C (Collins) Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53
  89. 89.

    Introduction: the puzzle Evidence for distinct kinds of H-’s Evidence

    for distinct syntactically triggered H-’s Evidence for prosodically triggered kinds of edge tones What is the absolutive H-? Following Collins (2014, 2015, 2016) (and Legate (2008)): Absolutive is default, syncretic marking of nom and acc Collins: S and P behave different in nominalized clauses: S must be genitively marked, while P can have same marking as in finite clauses In nominalizations, H- possible for transitive object P but not for intransitive subject S Case markers adjoined to arguments in spellout, additional spellout rules for coordination and clefted structures Verb-initial ordering derived by fronting the VP to a function head F below T after the arguments have been raised out of it (Collins) Head movement moves T na to C (Collins) Other ideas about abs: (1) material preceding abs fronted into high Spec position, (2) abs arguments extrapose Kristine Yu www.krisyu.org Distinct kinds of tones in Samoan 53