The intonational phonology of Samoan revisited

ICPhS 2019 Satellite Workshop
Intonational Phonology of Typologically Rare or Understudied Languages

https://linguistics.ucla.edu/people/jun/IntonationWorkshop2019/

1. THE INTONATIONAL PHONOLOGY OF SAMOAN REVISITED Kristine M. Yu Department of Linguistics University of Massachusetts Amherst Intonational Phonology of Typologically Rare or Understudied Languages University of Melbourne | August 4, 2019 1
2. !2 COLLABORATORS Deniz Özyıldız Maggie Baird Matt Frelinger Ed Stabler UMass Amherst UCLA/ Samsung Research
3. !3 San Francisco Bay Area, California: Natalie Tualemoso Ah Soon, Faafetai Faaleava, Tautalaaso Faaleava, others Los Angeles, California: Ioane Fruean, Kare'l Lokeni, Tu’u Lokeni, others Auckland, New Zealand: Salu Kalani Afoa, Faalei Emelda Afoa, others Apia, Samoa: Peone Fuimaono, Christopher Aluni, others FIELDWORK COORDINATION/ CONSULTATION
4. AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES Ross et al. (2007), p. xvi, Map 1 !4
5. POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES https://teara.govt.nz/files/large_images/41061-enz.gif SAMOAN POLYNESIAN LANGUAGES !5
6. !6 ACCENTUAL PHRASES IN TONGAN Kuo & Vicenik (2012)
7. TARGETED PHENOMENA !7 Sentence-medial edge tones
8. CHALLENGES TO AM THEORY ASSUMPTIONS !8 [ ]XP T Morphosyntax ( ) T- Phonology
9. • the relation between syntactic and prosodic constituents • the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of syntactic representation • linearization of syntactic representation which produces the surface word order of the sentence as actually pronounced !9 Selkirk (2011), p. 435 SYNTAX-PHONOLOGY INTERFACE
10. • the relation between syntactic and prosodic constituents • the phonological realization (spell-out) of the morphosyntactic feature bundles of morphemes and lexical items that form part of syntactic representation • linearization of syntactic representation which produces the surface word order of the sentence as actually pronounced !10 Selkirk (2011), p. 435 SYNTAX-PHONOLOGY INTERFACE
11. !11 [ ]XP Spellout of syntactic structure T ( ) Prosodic structure T- Boundary tone
12. METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGE !12
13. METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGE !13 UBIQUITOUS TONAL CROWDING *]T- STRATEGIES
14. !14 Zuraw, Yu and Orfitelli (2014) (ˈLL) (ˈma.nu) ‘bird’ L(ˈLL) ŋa.(ˈlu.e) ‘work’ L(ˈH) le.(ˈlei) ‘good’ L(ˈH) la.(ˈvaː) ‘energized’ (ˌH)(ˈLL) (ˌsaː)(ˈmo.a) ‘Sāmoa’ Primary stress falls on penultimate mora.
15. Primary stress is only one mora away from the right edge. !15 (ˌmi.ɹi)(ˈja.ma) ‘Miriam’ (ˌpe.ni)a(ˈmi.na) ‘Benjamin’ ]H UBIQUITOUS TONAL CROWDING LH*
16. !16 SENTENCE-MEDIAL EDGE TONES
17. AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES Ross et al. (2007), p. xvi, Map 1 !17 Most of fieldwork on syntax.
18. CASE-MARKING: ENGLISH !18 hit her She slept Transitive sentence Intransitive sentence She
19. CASE-MARKING: SAMOAN !19 ERGATIVE hit her Her slept ABSOLUTIVE ABSOLUTIVE Transitive sentence Intransitive sentence She
20. VERB-INITIAL ORDER !20 ERGATIVE ABSOLUTIVE wove the marine the design the marine (on the design) worked ABSOLUTIVE Transitive sentence Intransitive sentence
21. !21 na laˈlaŋa e le maˈlini ∅ le maˈmanu past weave erg the marine abs the design ‘The marine wove the design.’ na ŋaˈlue ∅ le maˈlini (i le maˈmanu) past work abs the marine (obl the design) ‘The marine worked on the design.’ ERGATIVE ABSOLUTIVE ABSOLUTIVE
22. !22 na laˈlaŋa e le maˈlini Habs le maˈmanu past weave erg the marine abs the design ‘The marine wove the design.’ na ŋaˈlue Habs le maˈlini (i le maˈmanu) past work abs the marine (obl the design) ‘The marine worked on the design.’ ERGATIVE ABSOLUTIVE ABSOLUTIVE MINIMAL COMPARISON ABSOLUTIVE H
23. !23 100 120 140 160 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 LH* LH* Habs LH* L% LH* LH* Habs LH* L% na la la Na e le ma li ni le ma ma nu na lalaNa e le malini le mamanu past weave erg det marine det design e le maˈlini Habs
24. !24 100 120 140 160 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 LH* Habs LH* LH* L% LH* Habs LH* LH* L% na Na lue le ma li ni i le ma ma nu na Nalue le malini i le mamanu past work det marine obl det design Habs le maˈlini
25. 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni No H 150 165 180 195 210 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 ma li ni Followed by ABSOLUTIVE Followed by OBLIQUE !25 Further details on Habs: Yu (2011), Yu & Özyildiz (2014), Yu & Stabler (2017), Yu (to appear) MINIMAL COMPARISON
26. FRONTING H !26 ʔo le maˈlini H na laˈlaŋa Habs le maˈmanu topic the marine past weave abs the design ‘It was the marine that wove the design.’ na ŋaˈlue Habs le maˈlini Hcoord ma ˈNoa past work abs the marine and Noah ‘The marine and Noah worked.’ COORDINATION H
27. Habs, Hcoord, Hfront, . . . SYNTACTICALLY CONDITIONED EDGE TONES !27 syntax semantics information structure
28. !28 SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE BUILDING Predictable given particular syntactic structure Invariably occurs given particular syntactic structures and does not occur given others EDGE TONE • Habs does not co-occur with arguments where there are independent reasons for {erg/abs/obl} marking to be illicit, e.g., • Not in [Verb Object] “pseudo noun incorporation”, e.g., dog- searching, fish-and-chip-eating (Massam 2001, Collins 2017) • Not in *ko-constructions (ʔo- in Samoan) • naʔo ‘only’ constructions (Calhoun 2017, Yu & Stabler 2017) • soʔo ‘any’ constructions? (Calhoun & Howard 2019)
29. Fronted ʔo-marked DPs !29 ʔo *e le maˈlini H na laˈlaŋa Habs le maˈmanu TOPIC ERG the marine PAST weave ABS the design ‘It was the marine that wove the design.’ Fronted DPs are ʔo-marked and cannot be marked for ERG, ABS, or OBL. Fronted naʔo and soʔo DPs cannot be ʔo-marked and cannot be marked for ERG, ABS, or OBL.
30. VARIABLE EDGE TONES !30 e ˌfaʔamaˌŋalo-ˈina e Maˈnino ˈsoʔo se aŋaˈsala pres forgive-erg erg Manino any a wrong ‘Manino forgives any wrong.’ e ˌfaʔamaˌŋalo-ˈina H% e Maˈnino H% ˈsoʔo se aŋaˈsala pres forgive-erg erg Manino any a wrong ‘Manino forgives any wrong.’
31. VARIABLE EDGE TONES !31 e ˌfaʔamaˌŋalo-ˈina e ˈBenjamin ˈsoʔo se ˌaŋaˈsala pres forgive-erg erg Benjamin any a wrong ‘Benjamin forgives any wrong.’ e ˌfaʔamaˌŋalo-ˈina e ˈBenjamin H- ˈsoʔo se ˌaŋaˈsala pres forgive-erg erg Benjamin any a wrong ‘Benjamin forgives any wrong.’ BACH TEST
32. VARIABLE EDGE TONES !32 na ŋaˈlue Habs ˈAaron i le maˈmanu a ˈAndrew PAST work Aaron OBL the design GEN Andrew ‘Aaron worked on Andrew’s design.’ na ŋaˈlue Habs ˈAaron H- ˈʔi le maˈmanu a ˈAndrew PAST work Aaron OBL the design GEN Andrew ‘Aaron worked on Andrew’s design.’ Context: Did Aaron work on Andrew’s design? Yes,…
33. !33 H- Phonological phrase () PROSODIC STRUCTURE BUILDING
34. Syntactic H always present unless overridden by L%. VARIABLE EDGE TONES !34 leˈai, ʔo le maˈmanu Hfront na laˌlaŋa-ˈina NEG TOPIC the design PAST weave-ERG e le maˈlini i le aˈsoː ERG the marine today ‘No, it was the design that the marine wove today.’ (L%) (L%) Context: Did the marine weave the basket today?
35. !35 PROSODIC LENGTH: NOMINALIZATION VARIABILITY na manaˈtua e Ioˈane Habs le maˈlaŋa past remember erg John abs the journey ‘John remembered the journey.’ na mataˈmata Habs Ioˈane i le maˈlaŋa past watch abs John obl the journey ‘John watched the journey.’ MINIMAL COMPARISON
36. !36 PROSODIC LENGTH: NOMINALIZATION VARIABILITY na manaˈtua e Ioˈane Habs le maˈlaŋa past remember erg John abs the journey ‘John remembered the journey.’ + a Kalolo Malala analeilaː ‘of Kalolo Malala earlier’ (L%) (L%) Syntactic H always present unless overridden by L%.
37. !37 Habs, Hcoord, Hfront, . . . H-, H%, L%, . . . SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE BUILDING PROSODIC STRUCTURE BUILDING
38. !38 SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE BUILDING PROSODIC STRUCTURE BUILDING EDGE TONE Predictable given particular syntactic structure Not predictable given particular syntactic structure Invariably occurs given particular syntactic structure (unless overridden by boundary tone) Variably occurs in variable positions between tokens within a speaker and across speakers, sensitive to prosodic factors Does not co-occur with correlates of prosodic juncture Co-occurs with correlates of prosodic juncture: lengthening/ pauses, stress/glottal stop insertion on V function words
39. !39 ]H UBIQUITOUS TONAL CROWDING LH* BACH TEST MINIMAL COMPARISON ˈBenjamin
40. !40 [ ]XP Spellout of syntactic structure T ( ) Prosodic structure T- Boundary tone semantics information structure syntax
41. AUSTRONESIAN LANGUAGES Ross et al. (2007), p. xvi, Map 1 !41
42. !42 APPENDIX
43. !43 Jun and Fletcher (2017): §16.2.1.1
44. !44 ACCENTUAL PHRASES IN BENGALI 100 150 200 250 300 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3 3.2 L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L*L% L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* Ha L* L% rumu nepaler ranir malider namgulo mone rakhte pare ni Rumu Nepal’s queen’s the gardeners’ the names remember couldn’t Khan (2008)