Computational perspectives on phonological constituency and recursion
Talk at RecPhon 2019: Recursivity in Phonology below and above the word.
21-22 November 2019, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra.
Website: http://filcat.uab.cat/pagines_clt/recphon2019/
reason not to admit prosodic recursion: Adding prosodic recursion into phonological descriptions and computations blows up the complexity of description/computation. Why should we do this if recursion is shallow, e.g., 1 or two layers? No complexity blowup, and gains in capturing gener- alizations. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 2/ 41
Recursion in phonology Prosodic constituents in phonology 2 Computing with trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 3/ 41
constituents in phonology Table of Contents 1 Factoring prosodic recursion Recursion in phonology Prosodic constituents in phonology 2 Computing with trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 4/ 41
constituents in phonology Factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 5/ 41
constituents in phonology Factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 5/ 41
constituents in phonology Factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts 2 Controversial but widely assumed: Phonological grammars refer to constituents K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 5/ 41
constituents in phonology Factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts 2 Controversial but widely assumed: Phonological grammars refer to constituents Phonological patterns distinguish right-branching from left-branching K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 5/ 41
constituents in phonology Factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts 2 Controversial but widely assumed: Phonological grammars refer to constituents Phonological patterns distinguish right-branching from left-branching There are phonological patterns deﬁned over trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 5/ 41
constituents in phonology Table of Contents 1 Factoring prosodic recursion Recursion in phonology Prosodic constituents in phonology 2 Computing with trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 6/ 41
constituents in phonology What is recursion (informal)? Recursion: structure/operation being deﬁned used in its own deﬁnition Recursive structure: string deﬁned as an extension of another string Recursive operation: ω → σ ω K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 7/ 41
constituents in phonology Simplest deﬁnition of strings is recursive Given an alphabet of symbols, Σ, deﬁne a string over Σ as follows: 1 Base case: The empty symbol λ is a string. 2 Recursive case: If w is a string and s is a symbol (s ∈ Σ), then ws is a string. Note that this deﬁnes unbounded recursion. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 8/ 41
constituents in phonology Finite physical realization of unbounded recursion Maximum length of a string in Python on a 64-bit system: 9223372036854775807 1 import sys 2 print(sys.maxsize) 3 9223372036854775807 K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 9/ 41
constituents in phonology Finite physical realization of unbounded recursion Maximum length of a string in Python on a 64-bit system: 9223372036854775807 1 import sys 2 print(sys.maxsize) 3 9223372036854775807 Recursion unbounded in deﬁnition of data structure, but ﬁnite realization of structure in physical systems. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 9/ 41
constituents in phonology Non-recursive grammars generate ﬁnite sets (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) (Non-recursive) list grammar α → λ α → λ α → V γ α → V α → C β α → CV β → V γ γ → λ Generates {λ, V , CV } Generates {λ, V , CV } Without recursion, we can only write grammars that can be modeled as ﬁnite lists of words up to some upper bound in length. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 11/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) Winnepesaukee, Halicarnassus (Dabouis et al., this conference) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) Winnepesaukee, Halicarnassus (Dabouis et al., this conference) Winnehalipecarnasaukeessus K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) Winnepesaukee, Halicarnassus (Dabouis et al., this conference) Winnehalipecarnasaukeessus There are inﬁnitely many possible words/sentences. . . K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) Winnepesaukee, Halicarnassus (Dabouis et al., this conference) Winnehalipecarnasaukeessus There are inﬁnitely many possible words/sentences. . . . . . so we need grammars that can generate inﬁnite set of arbitrarily long words, i.e., grammars with recursive operations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length Words and sentences can be arbitrarily long, (though ﬁnite) Winnepesaukee, Halicarnassus (Dabouis et al., this conference) Winnehalipecarnasaukeessus There are inﬁnitely many possible words/sentences. . . . . . so we need grammars that can generate inﬁnite set of arbitrarily long words, i.e., grammars with recursive operations Bounds on recursion could come from factors outside phonological grammar, e.g., processing, memory, lexi- con, or elsewhere in phonological grammar, e.g., con- straint interactions K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 12/ 41
constituents in phonology Two derivations of CV With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α C β V γ λ α C β V α λ α γ V β C V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 14/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars II (a) Non-recursive grammar α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V Generates {λ, α γ V β C ε V δ C V V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 15/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars II (a) Non-recursive grammar α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V Generates {λ, (C)V , α γ V β C ε V δ C V V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 15/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars II (a) Non-recursive grammar α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V Generates {λ, (C)V , (C)V (C)V , α γ V β C ε V δ C V V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 15/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars II (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) Recursive grammar α → λ α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ α → V α γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V α → C β β → V α Generates {λ, (C)V , Generates {(C)V }∗ (C)V (C)V , (C)V (C)V (C)V } α γ V β C ε V δ C V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 15/ 41
constituents in phonology Two derivations of VCV With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α V γ C δ V λ α V β C α V α λ K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 16/ 41
constituents in phonology Two derivations of VCV With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α V γ C δ V λ α V β C α V α λ Non-recursive derivation can’t assign same category to diﬀerent (C)V chunks in string. The fact that (C)V can be repeated appears accidental. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 16/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars III (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) Recursive grammar α → λ α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ α → V α γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V α → C β → λ, → V η, → C ζ, η → V λ β → V α Generates {λ, Generates {(C)V }∗ α γ V β C ε V δ C η V ζ C V V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 17/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars III (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) Recursive grammar α → λ α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ α → V α γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V α → C β → λ, → V η, → C ζ, η → V λ β → V α Generates {λ, (C)V , Generates {(C)V }∗ α γ V β C ε V δ C η V ζ C V V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 17/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars III (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) Recursive grammar α → λ α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ α → V α γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V α → C β → λ, → V η, → C ζ, η → V λ β → V α Generates {λ, (C)V , Generates {(C)V }∗ (C)V (C)V , α γ V β C ε V δ C η V ζ C V V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 17/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in phonological grammars III (a) Non-recursive grammar (b) Recursive grammar α → λ α → λ α → λ, α → V γ, α → C β, β → V γ α → V α γ → λ, γ → V , γ → C δ, δ → V α → C β → λ, → V η, → C ζ, η → V λ β → V α Generates {λ, (C)V , Generates {(C)V }∗ (C)V (C)V , (C)V (C)V (C)V } α γ V β C ε V δ C η V ζ C V V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 17/ 41
constituents in phonology Two derivations of VCVCV With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α V γ C δ V C ζ V η λ α V β C α V β C α V α λ K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 18/ 41
constituents in phonology Two derivations of VCVCV With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α V γ C δ V C ζ V η λ α V β C α V β C α V α λ Recursive grammar: restriction to (C)V chunks not an accident. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 18/ 41
constituents in phonology Strategic labelling doesn’t capture generalization With non-recursive grammar With recursive grammar α1 V α2 C β2 V α3 C β3 V α4 λ α V β C α V β C α V α λ α1 α2 V β1 C α3 V β2 C α4 V β3 C V V V α V β C V K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 19/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in grammar is always an analytic choice α1 α2 V β1 C α3 V β2 C α4 V β3 C V V V α V β C V Humans are ﬁnite machines so recursion in human language is always bounded (in phonology and morphosyntax) We can always model bounded recursion without recursive operations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 20/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursive operations in grammar is always an analytic choice α1 α2 V β1 C α3 V β2 C α4 V β3 C V V V α V β C V Humans are ﬁnite machines so recursion in human language is always bounded (in phonology and morphosyntax) We can always model bounded recursion without recursive operations Recursion is the analytic choice to make if we want to explain why repeatedly observed patterns are not accidental K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 20/ 41
constituents in phonology Interim summary: factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology. Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length. . . . . . regardless of what lexical elements and categories we deﬁne phonological grammars over K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 21/ 41
constituents in phonology Interim summary: factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology. Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length. . . . . . regardless of what lexical elements and categories we deﬁne phonological grammars over With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 21/ 41
constituents in phonology Interim summary: factoring prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology. Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length. . . . . . regardless of what lexical elements and categories we deﬁne phonological grammars over With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts Whether or not we have identiﬁed the right constituents is an independent, empirical issue K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 21/ 41
constituents in phonology Table of Contents 1 Factoring prosodic recursion Recursion in phonology Prosodic constituents in phonology 2 Computing with trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 22/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursion over the “wrong” constituents With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that the properties of a constituent is similar to one of its parts. . . α V β C α V β C α V α λ α category: {[VCVCV], VC[VCV], VCVC[V] } are V-initial K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 23/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursion over the “wrong” constituents With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that the properties of a constituent is similar to one of its parts. . . α V β C α V β C α V α λ α category: {[VCVCV], VC[VCV], VCVC[V] } are V-initial β category: { V[CVCV], VCV[CV] } are C-initial K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 23/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursion over the “wrong” constituents With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that the properties of a constituent is similar to one of its parts. . . α V β C α V β C α V α λ α category: {[VCVCV], VC[VCV], VCVC[V] } are V-initial β category: { V[CVCV], VCV[CV] } are C-initial Neither category picks out [V][CV][CV] or [VC][VC][V] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 23/ 41
constituents in phonology Recursion over the “wrong” constituents With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that the properties of a constituent is similar to one of its parts. . . α V β C α V β C α V α λ α category: {[VCVCV], VC[VCV], VCVC[V] } are V-initial β category: { V[CVCV], VCV[CV] } are C-initial Neither category picks out [V][CV][CV] or [VC][VC][V] If we want syllables, the gram- mars we wrote won’t give us them: only suﬃxes! K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 23/ 41
constituents in phonology Constituents captured by recursive grammar α V β C α V β C α V α λ VCVC[V] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 24/ 41
constituents in phonology Constituents captured by recursive grammar α V β C α V β C α V α λ VCVC[V] VCV[C[V]] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 24/ 41
constituents in phonology Constituents captured by recursive grammar α V β C α V β C α V α λ VCVC[V] VCV[C[V]] VC[V[C[V]]] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 24/ 41
constituents in phonology Constituents captured by recursive grammar α V β C α V β C α V α λ VCVC[V] VCV[C[V]] VC[V[C[V]]] V[C[V[C[V]]]] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 24/ 41
constituents in phonology Constituents captured by recursive grammar α V β C α V β C α V α λ VCVC[V] VCV[C[V]] VC[V[C[V]]] V[C[V[C[V]]]] [V[C[V[C[V]]]]] K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 24/ 41
constituents in phonology Trees as additional data structures for phonology Simply put, if the representations are right, then the rules will follow. (McCarthy 1988: 84) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 25/ 41
constituents in phonology Trees as additional data structures for phonology Simply put, if the representations are right, then the rules will follow. (McCarthy 1988: 84) With trees over categories as phonological data structures (in addition to strings): Prosodic constituents follow (with deﬁnition of prosodic categories) Behavior referencing prosodic constituents (including that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts) follows Distinctions between left- and right-branching phonological structures follow Behavior referencing (non-) maximal/minimal projections in phonological trees follows K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 25/ 41
constituents in phonology Trees as a data structure is always an analytic choice Modeling (recursion over) prosodic constituents using trees rather than strings is always an analytic choice. Humans are ﬁnite machines so recursion in human language is always bounded (in phonology and morphosyntax) We can always model bounded recursion over constituents without recursive operations by marking up strings with boundary symbols (and this is commonly done in natural language processing) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 26/ 41
constituents in phonology Trees as a data structure is always an analytic choice Modeling (recursion over) prosodic constituents using trees rather than strings is always an analytic choice. Humans are ﬁnite machines so recursion in human language is always bounded (in phonology and morphosyntax) We can always model bounded recursion over constituents without recursive operations by marking up strings with boundary symbols (and this is commonly done in natural language processing) Trees are the analytic choice to make if we want to explain why repeatedly observed patterns conditioned on diﬀerent natural properties of trees are not accidental K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 26/ 41
constituents in phonology Prosodic tree candidates as strings +-U[L,na]+ZYX<{U[L,la](P[L,la]W[L,ga])}+U[L,e]>+U[L,le]x+X<{U[L,ma](P[L,li]W[L,ni])}+U[L,hi]>+U[L,le]xy+{U[L, +-ZU[L,na]+YX<{U[L,la](P[L,la]W[L,ga])}+U[L,e]>+U[L,le]x+X<{U[L,ma](P[L,li]W[L,ni])}+U[L,hi]>+U[L,le]xyz+{U[L K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 29/ 41
constituents in phonology Prosodic tree candidates as strings +-U[L,na]+ZYX<{U[L,la](P[L,la]W[L,ga])}+U[L,e]>+U[L,le]x+X<{U[L,ma](P[L,li]W[L,ni])}+U[L,hi]>+U[L,le]xy+{U[L, +-ZU[L,na]+YX<{U[L,la](P[L,la]W[L,ga])}+U[L,e]>+U[L,le]x+X<{U[L,ma](P[L,li]W[L,ni])}+U[L,hi]>+U[L,le]xyz+{U[L Modeling (recursion over) prosodic constituents using strings makes the constituents appear accidental. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 29/ 41
constituents in phonology Putting it together: prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 30/ 41
constituents in phonology Putting it together: prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts 2 Controversial but widely assumed: Phonological grammars refer to constituents There are phonological patterns deﬁned over trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 30/ 41
constituents in phonology Putting it together: prosodic recursion 1 Uncontroversial: Recursion is in phonology Without recursive operations, phonological knowledge cannot be generalized to strings of arbitrary (ﬁnite) length With recursion, we can write grammars that recognize that a constituent shares properties with one of its parts 2 Controversial but widely assumed: Phonological grammars refer to constituents There are phonological patterns deﬁned over trees Analytic choices of recursive operations over trees as data structures make empirical generalizations non- accidental. K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 30/ 41
Factoring prosodic recursion Recursion in phonology Prosodic constituents in phonology 2 Computing with trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 31/ 41
ﬁnitely bounded recursion So long as there is a ﬁnite bound on recursion, we have the choice of computing on strings to approximate computing on trees K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 32/ 41
ﬁnitely bounded recursion So long as there is a ﬁnite bound on recursion, we have the choice of computing on strings to approximate computing on trees But we have to count each additional layer and it becomes an accident if a subpart of a constituent shares properties with the constituent K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 32/ 41
ﬁnitely bounded recursion So long as there is a ﬁnite bound on recursion, we have the choice of computing on strings to approximate computing on trees But we have to count each additional layer and it becomes an accident if a subpart of a constituent shares properties with the constituent What about a potential blowup in complexity from computing over trees? K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 32/ 41
Two or more, use a for. Operations on trees are computed using tree transducers that transduce input trees into output trees Many tree transducers can be computed in linear time in the size of the tree Case study: syntax-prosody mapping in Japanese nominals (Ito and Mester 2013) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 33/ 41
nominals [ [NPposs ] NP ] structures (Ito and Mester 2013) N-gen N conj ‘and Hiroshima/Okayama ﬁsh/eggs’ A = accented ω, U = unaccented ω [[U]U] [[hiroshima no ] sakana to] (ϕ U U) [[A]A] [[okayama no ] tamago to] (ϕ U A) [[U]A] [[hiroshima no ] tamago to] (ϕ (ϕ A) (ϕ A)) [[A]U] [[okayama no ] sakana to] (ϕ (ϕ A) (ϕ U)) K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 35/ 41
interface constraints Task: given an input like U U, determine the prosodic structure by computing the violations incurred by the following constraints Accent-as-Head, Lapse(ϕ) prosody Minimal Binarity(ϕ) prosody Match XP to ϕ syntax-prosody interface NoRecursion prosody K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 36/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees: implementation Idea: transduce from syntactic tree to candidate prosodic trees, with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 38/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
over trees Idea: transduce from input candidate prosodic tree to output candidate prosodic tree (identity transduction), but with some transduction rules incurring violations K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 39/ 41
human language is always ﬁnitely bounded and can always be modeled over strings K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 41/ 41
human language is always ﬁnitely bounded and can always be modeled over strings Analytic choices of recursive operations over trees as data structures make empirical generalizations non-accidental K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 41/ 41
human language is always ﬁnitely bounded and can always be modeled over strings Analytic choices of recursive operations over trees as data structures make empirical generalizations non-accidental Computation of syntax-prosody interface and phonological constraints over trees is feasible and may lead to new insights K.M. Yu krisyu@linguist.umass.edu Phonological constituency and recursion 41/ 41