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Tonal marking of absolutive case in Samoan

krisyu
May 10, 2014

Tonal marking of absolutive case in Samoan

Invited talk given at Exploring the Interfaces 3, McGill University. May 10, 2014. See http://eti3mcgill.wixsite.com/eti3.

krisyu

May 10, 2014
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  1. Tonal marking of absolutive case in Samoan
    Kristine M. Yu
    Department of Linguistics
    University of Massachusetts Amherst
    www.krisyu.org
    ETI3 McGill
    May 2014
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 1/ 72

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  2. Hypothesis
    Hypothesis: Ergative case-marking patterns have tonal correlates
    in Samoan
    ◦ A high boundary tone (H-) immediately precedes absolutive
    arguments.
    ◦ This H- is a tonal case marker which has its source in the morphology,
    like a number of other H- tones in Samoan.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 2/ 72

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  3. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Part I
    Background
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 3/ 72

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  4. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Characteristics of the Samoan language
    Polynesian language from Samoa and American Samoa, with ≈370,000
    speakers in all countries (Gordon 2005)
    http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/australia/samoa rel98.jpg
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 4/ 72

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  5. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Characteristics of the Samoan language
    VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking
    R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version:
    http://www.ethnologue.com/.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72

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  6. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Characteristics of the Samoan language
    VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking
    Samoan orthography used in this talk:
    ◦ [N] = g, [P] = ’, [V:] = ¯
    V
    R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version:
    http://www.ethnologue.com/.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72

    View Slide

  7. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Characteristics of the Samoan language
    VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking
    Samoan orthography used in this talk:
    ◦ [N] = g, [P] = ’, [V:] = ¯
    V
    Formal (tautala lelei) and informal (tautala leaga) registers of speech
    ◦ tautala lelei
    ◦ tautala leaga
    R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version:
    http://www.ethnologue.com/.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72

    View Slide

  8. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Case-marking patterns
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72

    View Slide

  9. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Case-marking patterns
    (1) a. erg-abs
    na
    past
    lalaga
    weave
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine weaved the design.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72

    View Slide

  10. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Case-marking patterns
    (1) a. erg-abs
    na
    past
    lalaga
    weave
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine weaved the design.’
    b. abs-(obl)
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    (i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    malini).
    marine
    ‘The melon smelled (to the marine).’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72

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  11. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Case-marking patterns
    (1) a. erg-abs
    na
    past
    lalaga
    weave
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine weaved the design.’
    b. abs-(obl)
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    (i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    malini).
    marine
    ‘The melon smelled (to the marine).’
    c. erg-abs-obl
    na
    past
    ’ave
    give
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72

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  12. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Case-marking patterns: the H- absolutive case marker
    (2) a. erg-abs
    na
    past
    lalaga
    weave
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu.
    design
    ‘The marine weaved the mamanu.’
    b. abs-obl
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    (i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    malini).
    marine
    ‘The melon smelled (to the marine.)’
    c. erg-abs-obl
    na
    past
    ’ave
    give
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 7/ 72

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  13. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Some mamanu in Apia
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 8/ 72

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  14. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    Overview of Samoan prosody
    basic primary stress pattern: moraic trochee at right edge (Zuraw, Yu,
    and Orfitelli to appear)
    ◦ ma(l´
    ıni) ‘marine’
    ◦ (manu)(m´¯
    a) ‘dove’
    Intonational inventory in autosegmental-metrical/ToBI framework
    (Orfitelli and Yu 2009)
    ◦ default pitch accent: LH rise over mora receiving primary stress
    ◦ Sentence medial H- boundary tones in lists, coordination, clefted
    declaratives
    ◦ Typically utterance final low tone(s), but high tone(s) in uncertainty
    contexts (disbelief, echo questions, tag questions)
    K. Zuraw, K. Yu and R. Orfitelli. (to appear). Word-level prosody of Samoan. Phonology.
    R. Orfitelli and K. Yu. (2009). The intonational phonology of Samoan. Austronesian
    Formal Linguistics Association XVI, Santa Cruz, CA.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 9/ 72

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  15. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    H- and coordination
    Realization of H-: it’s in the last mora
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4
    LH
    LH
    ma li ni
    No H-
    [LH not followed by H-]
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4
    H-
    H-
    ma li ni
    [LH followed by H-]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 10/ 72

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  16. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    H- and coordination
    H- and argument coordination: a minimal pair
    (3) [N Adj]
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    H-
    abs
    [le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    mamalu]
    glorified
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manu.
    bird
    ‘The glorified marine smelled to the bird.’
    (4) coordination
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    H-
    abs
    [le
    det.sg
    malini H-
    marine
    ma
    CONJ
    Malu]
    Malu
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manu.
    bird
    ‘The marine and Malu smelled to the bird.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 11/ 72

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  17. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    H- and coordination
    H- and argument coordination: [N Adj] vs. coordination
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    na ma no gi le ma li ni ma ma lu i le ma nu
    na manogi le malini mamalu i le manu
    past smell det.sg marine glorified obl
    det.sg bird
    [N Adj: malini mamalu]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 12/ 72

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  18. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    H- and coordination
    H- and argument coordination: [N Adj] vs. coordination
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2
    LH
    H-
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    H-
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    na ma no gi le ma li ni ma ma lu i le ma nu
    na manogi le malini ma Malu i le manu
    past smell det.sg marine CONJ Malu obldet.sg bird
    [coordination: ma Malu]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 13/ 72

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  19. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Fieldwork/data
    All consultants from (Western) Samoa
    Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15,
    age 19-23 during elicitations
    ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions
    through 2012
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72

    View Slide

  20. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Fieldwork/data
    All consultants from (Western) Samoa
    Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15,
    age 19-23 during elicitations
    ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions
    through 2012
    Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November
    2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72

    View Slide

  21. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Fieldwork/data
    All consultants from (Western) Samoa
    Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15,
    age 19-23 during elicitations
    ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions
    through 2012
    Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November
    2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012
    Data primarily elicited in tautala lelei (formal language)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72

    View Slide

  22. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Fieldwork/data
    All consultants from (Western) Samoa
    Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15,
    age 19-23 during elicitations
    ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions
    through 2012
    Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November
    2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012
    Data primarily elicited in tautala lelei (formal language)
    Data elicited out-of-the-blue
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72

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  23. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Some principles in intonational fieldwork for initial
    methodological abstraction
    1 Avoid confounding influences on variation in fundamental frequency.
    (see also: Yu to appear)
    2 Allow for spacing between tonal events.
    Yu, K.M. (To appear) The experimental state of mind in elicitation: illustrations from tonal
    fieldwork. Language Documentation and Conservation. Special issue on “how to study a
    tone language”
    .
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 15/ 72

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  24. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Sonorant wordbank
    Use of sonorants to avoid segmental perturbations of fundamental
    frequency.
    Samoan Function Gloss
    na TAM past
    ma CONJ and
    le det.sg the
    e ERG
    i ABS
    lag´
    ona erg-abs to hear
    lal´
    aga erg-abs to weave
    man´
    ogi abs-obl to smell (to)
    ’´
    ave erg-abs-obl to give

    alu NP Proper name

    anu NP bird
    mal´
    ıni NP marine
    man´
    ıni NP fish
    mam´
    anu NP design
    mel´
    eni NP melon
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 16/ 72

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  25. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Glottal stops and fundamental frequency
    Glottalization or the presence of glottal stops perturbs fundamental
    frequency.
    Glottalization can lead to tonogenesis of low or high tone. (see Kingston
    2005: The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis)
    Demo: example in Praat towards end of talk
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 17/ 72

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  26. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork
    1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive
    tonal events.
    Example: avoid CVC´
    V: C´
    VCV, e.g. ma(m´
    a:) (m´
    ama)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72

    View Slide

  27. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork
    1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive
    tonal events.
    Example: avoid CVC´
    V: C´
    VCV, e.g. ma(m´
    a:) (m´
    ama)
    2 Separation of head- and edge-marking tones: try to maximize (and/or
    vary) distance between stressed position and word edge
    Example: CV(C´
    VCV) rather than (C`
    VCV)C´
    V: words
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72

    View Slide

  28. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork
    1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive
    tonal events.
    Example: avoid CVC´
    V: C´
    VCV, e.g. ma(m´
    a:) (m´
    ama)
    2 Separation of head- and edge-marking tones: try to maximize (and/or
    vary) distance between stressed position and word edge
    Example: CV(C´
    VCV) rather than (C`
    VCV)C´
    V: words
    3 Increasing amount of phonological material in syntactic and/or prosodic
    domain: observe whether tonal event targets the edge of some domain
    Here: lengthening of arguments, predicate
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72

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  29. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Idea of tonal crowding
    To avoid:
    http://truedino.com/cascade.htm
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 19/ 72

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  30. Introduction
    The realization of H-
    Methods
    Idea of tonal crowding
    Better:
    http://www.wallcoo.net/nature/mountain of the world 01/images/%5Bwallcoo%5D mountain wallpapers AP29015.jpg
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 19/ 72

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  31. H- and absolutive case
    Part II
    Evidence for the absolutive H-
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 20/ 72

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  32. H- and absolutive case
    Note: acceptability of word order variation in broad focus
    Acceptability of word order variation in broad focus varies across
    speakers, but word order variation does occur in production.
    1 My Samoan consultants:
    1/6 accepted only V-A-DO-IO consistently in ditransitives while 3/6
    accepted any order
    Some other participants for a perception experiment accepted VAO but
    not VOA
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 21/ 72

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  33. H- and absolutive case
    Note: acceptability of word order variation in broad focus
    Acceptability of word order variation in broad focus varies across
    speakers, but word order variation does occur in production.
    1 My Samoan consultants:
    1/6 accepted only V-A-DO-IO consistently in ditransitives while 3/6
    accepted any order
    Some other participants for a perception experiment accepted VAO but
    not VOA
    2 Sasha Calhoun’s Experiment 1 for broad focus context:
    94% VAO productions
    6% VOA productions
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 21/ 72

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  34. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    H- and absolutive case: long sentences
    “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP na Verb [X] [Y]
    (5)
    X = le
    det.sg
    maile
    dog
    a
    poss
    le
    det.sg
    milionea
    millionaire
    leaga
    bad
    mai
    prep
    Jerusalema
    Jerusalem
    i
    obl
    luga
    top
    o
    O
    le
    det.sg
    mauga
    mountain
    ‘the dog of the bad millionaire from Jerusalem on the mountain’
    Y =le
    det.sg
    manu-lele
    animaly-fly
    a
    poss
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    mamalu
    glorified
    mai
    prep
    Apia
    Apia
    ‘the bird of the glorified marine from Apia’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 22/ 72

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  35. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    H- and absolutive case: long sentences
    “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP na Verb [X] [Y]
    (5) X = le
    det.sg
    maile
    dog
    a
    poss
    le
    det.sg
    milionea
    millionaire
    leaga
    bad
    mai
    prep
    Jerusalema
    Jerusalem
    i
    obl
    luga
    top
    o
    O
    le
    det.sg
    mauga
    mountain
    ‘the dog of the bad millionaire from Jerusalem on the mountain’
    Y =le
    det.sg
    manu-lele
    animaly-fly
    a
    poss
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    mamalu
    glorified
    mai
    prep
    Apia
    Apia
    ‘the bird of the glorified marine from Apia’
    Experiment: Case-marking Pattern (erg-abs, abs-obl) x Word Order
    (default, scrambled)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 22/ 72

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  36. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Long sentences: na Verb H- ABS i OBL
    100
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7
    H-
    H-
    T/pred absolutive argument oblique argument
    [na Verb H- ABS i OBL] [mauga i le]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 23/ 72

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  37. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Long sentences: na Verb e ERG H- ABS
    100
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7
    H-
    L-L%
    H-
    L-L%
    T/pred ergative argument absolutive argument
    [na Verb e ERG H- ABS Disc. ] [mauga H- le]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 24/ 72

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  38. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Long sentences: na Verb i OBL H- ABS
    100
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7
    H-
    H-
    T/pred oblique argument absolutive argument
    [na Verb i OBL H- ABS] [mauga H- le]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 25/ 72

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  39. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Long sentences: na Verb H- ABS e ERG
    100
    150
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7
    H-
    L-L%
    H-
    L-L%
    T/pred absolutive argument ergative argument
    [na Verb H- ABS e ERG] [mauga e le]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 26/ 72

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  40. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y]
    VSO: ABS OBL
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72

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  41. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y]
    VSO: ABS OBL
    VSO: ERG H ABS
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72

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  42. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y]
    VSO: ABS OBL
    VSO: ERG H ABS
    VOS: OBL H ABS
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72

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  43. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y]
    VSO: ABS OBL
    VSO: ERG H ABS
    VOS: OBL H ABS
    VOS: ABS ERG
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72

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  44. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate
    “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP
    (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation
    a. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marines bed-slept.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72

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  45. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate
    “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP
    (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation
    a. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marines bed-slept.’
    b. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    leaga
    bad
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marines bed-slept badly.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72

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  46. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate
    “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP
    (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation
    a. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marines bed-slept.’
    b. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    leaga
    bad
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marines bed-slept badly.’
    c. na
    past
    moe-moega
    sleep-bed
    leaga
    bad
    loa
    LOA
    H-
    abs
    malini.
    marine
    ‘And then the marines bed-slept badly.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72

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  47. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Lengthened predicate: no adverbs
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na moe moe ga ma li ni
    H- at Pred-ABS boundary
    [Lengthened predicate: no adverbs]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 29/ 72

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  48. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Lengthened predicate: 1 adverb
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5
    LH LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na moe moe ga lea gama li ni
    H- at Pred-ABS boundary
    [Lengthened predicate: 1 adverb]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 30/ 72

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  49. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Lengthened predicate: 2 adverbs
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5
    LH
    LH
    LH LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    LH
    LH LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na
    moemoe ga lea ga loama li ni
    H- at Pred-ABS boundary
    [Lengthened predicate: 2 adverbs]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 31/ 72

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  50. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Summary of long sentences
    Case-marking VSO order VOS order
    ERG-ABS V/Pred ERG H- ABS V/Pred (H-) ABS ERG
    ABS-OBL V/Pred (H-) ABS OBL V/Pred OBL H- ABS
    Table : Distribution of H- across case-markings and word orders
    object-incorporated verb [V N] H- ABS
    object-incorporated verb modified by adverb [V N] Adv H- ABS
    object-incorporated verb modified by 2 adverbs [V N] Adv Adv H- ABS
    ⇒ H- is aligned to left edge of absolutive argument
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 32/ 72

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  51. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives
    (7) erg-abs-obl
    na
    past
    ’ave
    give
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 33/ 72

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  52. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives
    (7) erg-abs-obl
    na
    past
    ’ave
    give
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    meleni
    melon
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’
    Hypothesis:
    Structure in set of all 3! permutations of {erg.DP,abs.DP,i-obl.DP}
    ABS ABS ABS
    H- ABS e ERG i OB e ERG H- ABS i OBL i OBL e ERG H- ABS
    H- ABS i OBL e ERG i OBL H- ABS e ERG e ERG i OBL H- ABS
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 33/ 72

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  53. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: H- ABS ERG OBL
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    na ’a ve leme le ni elema li ni i lema ni ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: H- ABS ERG OBL]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 34/ 72

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  54. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: H- ABS OBL ERG
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    na ’a ve leme le ni i lema ni ni elema li ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: H- ABS OBL ERG]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 35/ 72

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  55. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: ERG H- ABS OBL
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    na ’a ve elema li ni leme le ni i lema ni ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: ERG H- ABS OBL]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 36/ 72

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  56. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: OBL H- ABS ERG
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
    LH LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    LH LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    na ’a ve i lema ni ni leme le ni elema li ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: OBL H- ABS ERG]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 37/ 72

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  57. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: OBL ERG H- ABS
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
    LH LH LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH LH LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na ’a ve i lema ni ni elema li ni leme le ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: OBL ERG H- ABS]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 38/ 72

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  58. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Ditransitives: ERG OBL H- ABS
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5
    LH
    LH LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na ’a ve elema li ni i lema ni ni leme le ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Ditransitives: ERG OBL H- ABS]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 39/ 72

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  59. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    pro drop
    (8) pro drop in erg-abs case-marking
    a. na
    past
    lagona
    hear
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    malini.
    marine
    ‘pro heard the marine.’
    b. na
    past
    lagona
    hear
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini.
    marine
    ‘The marine heard pro.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 40/ 72

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  60. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    pro drop of ergative argument, H- still present
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    H-
    LH
    L-L%
    na la go na le ma ni ni
    [pro drop of ergative argument, H- still present]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 41/ 72

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  61. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    pro drop of absolutive argument, H- not present
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    LH
    LH
    L-L%
    na la go na e le ma ni ni
    No H-
    [pro drop of absolutive argument, no H- present]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 42/ 72

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  62. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Extraction of absolutive and ergative arguments in relative
    clauses
    (9) Extraction of ergative argument
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    [na
    [past
    lalaga-ina
    weave-INA
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu]
    design]
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The marine that weaved the design smelled to the fish.’
    (10) Extraction of absolutive argument
    na
    past
    manogi
    smell
    H-
    abs
    le
    det.sg
    mamanu
    design
    [na
    [past
    lalaga-ina
    weave-INA
    e
    erg
    le
    det.sg
    malini
    marine
    ]
    ]
    i
    obl
    le
    det.sg
    manini.
    fish
    ‘The design that the marine weaved smelled to the fish.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 43/ 72

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  63. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Extraction of ergative argument, H- present
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    na
    mano gi lema li ni na lagona ina lemama nu ilema ni ni
    H- at [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [
    [ABS
    [Extraction of ergative argument, H- present]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 44/ 72

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  64. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    Extraction of absolutive argument, H- not present
    125
    150
    175
    200
    Fundamental frequency (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    H-
    LH
    LH
    LH
    LH
    na
    mano gilemamanuna la la ga ina e lema li ni ilema ni ni
    No H-
    [Extraction of absolutive argument, H- not present]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 45/ 72

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  65. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  66. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs
    argument
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  67. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs
    argument
    3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  68. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs
    argument
    3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders
    4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H-
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  69. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs
    argument
    3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders
    4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H-
    5 Other examples: interrogatives, pronouns
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  70. H- and absolutive case
    Long sentences: lengthened arguments
    Long sentences: lengthened predicate
    Ditransitives
    pro drop and extraction
    A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs
    1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2
    abs
    2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs
    argument
    3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders
    4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H-
    5 Other examples: interrogatives, pronouns
    6 Also in tautala leaga (where segmental case marker dropping and pro
    drop is highly frequent (Ochs 1982))
    Ochs (1982). Ergativity and word order in Samoan child language. Language. 58: pp.
    646-671.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72

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  71. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Part III
    Accounting for the absolutive H-
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 47/ 72

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  72. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72

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  73. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72

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  74. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    3 Prominence: focus marking
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72

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  75. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    3 Prominence: focus marking
    4 Scrambling: an effect of word order
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72

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  76. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    3 Prominence: focus marking
    4 Scrambling: an effect of word order
    5 Syntax: marking of some syntactic constituent?
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72

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  77. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Ruling out scrambling as a source of the absolutive H-
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs under scrambling.
    (cf. Norvin Richards talk on Tagalog: “scrambling the object over the subject
    increases the distance between their pitch peaks”
    )
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 49/ 72

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  78. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Ruling out scrambling as a source of the absolutive H-
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs under scrambling.
    (cf. Norvin Richards talk on Tagalog: “scrambling the object over the subject
    increases the distance between their pitch peaks”
    )
    Counter-evidence: consistency of H protrusion in correlating with absolutive
    argument, regardless of word order:
    ABS ABS ABS
    H- ABS e ERG i OB e ERG H- ABS i OBL i OBL e ERG H- ABS
    H- ABS i OBL e ERG i OBL H- ABS e ERG e ERG i OBL H- ABS
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 49/ 72

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  79. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Ruling out“abstract”syntactic structure
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of some syntactic shell.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 50/ 72

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  80. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Ruling out“abstract”syntactic structure
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of some syntactic shell.
    Counter-evidence: H protrusion occurs at the edge of overt absolutive
    arguments, e.g. in pro drop and extraction out of relative clauses.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 50/ 72

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  81. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Idea: the H- marks a focused constituent
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of a focused constituent.
    Calhoun notes: effect of H- on following pitch accent: no definite L
    target and lowered pitch range: “accent suppression”
    Cross-linguistically, post-focal compression is very common
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 51/ 72

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  82. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Idea: the H- marks a focused constituent
    Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of a focused constituent.
    Calhoun notes: effect of H- on following pitch accent: no definite L
    target and lowered pitch range: “accent suppression”
    Cross-linguistically, post-focal compression is very common
    Possible counter-evidence: tonal crowding can lead to these effects on the
    following pitch accent
    Calhoun example: pulling rope m´
    aea has initial stress, leading to tonal
    crowding of absolutive H- and following pitch accent
    I observed this effect in instances of tonal crowding
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 51/ 72

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  83. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    3 Prominence: focus marking
    4 Scrambling: an effect of word order
    5 Syntax: marking of some syntactic constituent?
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 52/ 72

    View Slide

  84. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 52/ 72

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  85. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case
    marker.
    Potential objections:
    1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72

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  86. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case
    marker.
    Potential objections:
    1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument.
    2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72

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  87. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case
    marker.
    Potential objections:
    1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument.
    2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents.
    3 A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is
    being case marked.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72

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  88. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case
    marker.
    Potential objections:
    1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument.
    2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents.
    3 A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is
    being case marked.
    4 It’s bizarre to have a tonal case marker when the other case markers are
    segmental.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72

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  89. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Missing absolutive H-?
    There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive
    argument.
    From Sasha Calhoun’s talk:
    1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72

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  90. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Missing absolutive H-?
    There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive
    argument.
    From Sasha Calhoun’s talk:
    1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone
    2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72

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  91. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Missing absolutive H-?
    There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive
    argument.
    From Sasha Calhoun’s talk:
    1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone
    2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72

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  92. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Missing absolutive H-?
    There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive
    argument.
    From Sasha Calhoun’s talk:
    1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone
    Explanation: preceding prosodic material cannot support the H- tone.
    2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’
    Explanation: the glottal stop or glottalization perturbs the fundamental
    frequency.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72

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  93. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Missing absolutive H-?
    There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive
    argument.
    From Sasha Calhoun’s talk:
    1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone
    Explanation: preceding prosodic material cannot support the H- tone.
    2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’
    Explanation: the glottal stop or glottalization perturbs the fundamental
    frequency.
    All other cases in her and my work: absolutive H- appears before
    absolutive argument, even under a variety of contexts for information
    structure
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72

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  94. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Personal pronoun forms
    Two forms: preverbal clitics and postverbal free-standing DP
    Preverbal Postverbal
    1.sg Pou aPu
    2.sg Pe Poe
    3.sg ia (na) ia
    1du.inc ta: ta:Pua
    1du.exc ma: ma:Pua
    2.du lua Poulua (lua)
    3.du la: la:Pua
    1.pl.inc ta:tou ta:tou
    1.pl.exc ma:tou ma:tou
    2.pl Poutou Poutou (tou)
    3.pl la:tou la:tou
    Mosel and Hovdhaugen (1992, p. 121-122), Collins (2012)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 55/ 72

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  95. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns?
    Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72

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  96. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns?
    Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM
    Example from Calhoun’s talk: na ia ‘past 3.sg’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72

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  97. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns?
    Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM
    Example from Calhoun’s talk: na ia ‘past 3.sg’
    Explanation: na cannot bear the absolutive H- because it is not, by itself, a
    prosodic word or phrase.
    (na(´
    ıa))ω
    or even (n´
    aja)?
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72

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  98. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini
    A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents?
    Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011):
    Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72

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  99. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini
    A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents?
    Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011):
    Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima.
    Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final:
    1st and 2nd person: final H
    3rd person: penultimate H
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72

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  100. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini
    A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents?
    Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011):
    Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima.
    Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final:
    1st and 2nd person: final H
    3rd person: penultimate H
    singular plural
    1 n-ji:l´
    e ‘I ate’ chi-ji:l´
    e ‘we ate’
    2 ji:l´
    e ‘you.sg ate’ ni-ji:l´
    e ‘you.pl ate’
    3 j´
    ı:le ‘sh/e ate’ wa-j´
    ı:le ‘they ate’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72

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  101. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini
    A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents?
    Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011):
    Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima.
    Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final:
    1st and 2nd person: final H
    3rd person: penultimate H
    singular plural
    1 n-ji:l´
    e ‘I ate’ chi-ji:l´
    e ‘we ate’
    2 ji:l´
    e ‘you.sg ate’ ni-ji:l´
    e ‘you.pl ate’
    3 j´
    ı:le ‘sh/e ate’ wa-j´
    ı:le ‘they ate’
    ∅-wa-t
    ”ind
    ”il
    ”il
    ”e w-aan´
    a ) n
    ”am´
    a) ka: chi-s´
    u)
    ‘2.sg cut for the children meat with a knife’
    ∅-wa-t
    ”ind
    ”il
    ”il
    ”e w-´
    aana ) n
    ”´
    ama) ka: ch´
    ı-su)
    ‘3.sg cut for the children meat with a knife’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72

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  102. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Association of absolutive H- to preceding material
    A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is
    being case marked.
    Bracketing paradox puzzle: Why does the absolutive H- appear on the
    material preceding the absolutive argument?
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 58/ 72

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  103. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Prosodic enclitization of syntactic heads
    Cross-linguistically, heads may be prosodically enclitic to the preceding
    constituent.
    Examples from Selkirk (2011), see references within:
    Syntax Phonology
    Shanghai Chinese V [P...]PP (V P)φ
    Kwakwala V [D...]DP (V D)φ
    Chamicuro V [D...]DP (V D)φ
    Xitsonga V [Ncl...]NP (V Ncl)φ
    English want/got to (wanna)φ
    , (gotta)φ
    Selkirk (2011). The syntax-phonology interface. In The Handbook of Phonological Theory.
    Goldsmith, Riggle, and Yu, eds. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 59/ 72

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  104. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Enclitization of segmental case markers in Samoan
    The segmental case markers e and i can also be enclitized in Samoan.
    1 The prosodic word is the domain of stress assignment in Samoan.
    (Zuraw, Yu and Orfitelli, to appear).
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 60/ 72

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  105. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Enclitization of segmental case markers in Samoan
    The segmental case markers e and i can also be enclitized in Samoan.
    1 The prosodic word is the domain of stress assignment in Samoan.
    (Zuraw, Yu and Orfitelli, to appear).
    2 Segmental case markers may form diphthongs or fuse with preceding
    phonological material. (However, no concomitant stress shift.)
    momoli i le → momoli: le, cf. (l´
    oka-a)ω
    ‘arrest’ → lo(k´
    a:) ‘arrest-A’
    momoli e le → momole: le
    li(´
    ona) i le → li´
    onai le, cf. (m´
    ai)le ‘dog’
    Demo: examples in Praat
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 60/ 72

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  106. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Why a tonal absolutive case marker?
    Many instances of tonal case marking in Bantu and Nilotic languages.
    Floating tones for genitive case marking in associative constructions, e.g.
    classic examples of Igbo, Bamileke Dschang
    Case-marking in nominative-accusative systems, e.g. Maasai
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 61/ 72

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  107. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Why a tonal absolutive case marker?
    The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case
    markers
    All case markers may be prosodically enclitized
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72

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  108. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Why a tonal absolutive case marker?
    The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case
    markers
    All case markers may be prosodically enclitized
    The absolutive H- occurs where other case markers might occur and
    doesn’t occur where other case markers don’t
    All case markers immediately precede the argument
    No case markers follow the conjunction in coordination
    Distribution of absolutive H- in pro drop and relative clause extraction
    patterns with segmental case markers
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72

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  109. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Why a tonal absolutive case marker?
    The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case
    markers
    All case markers may be prosodically enclitized
    The absolutive H- occurs where other case markers might occur and
    doesn’t occur where other case markers don’t
    All case markers immediately precede the argument
    No case markers follow the conjunction in coordination
    Distribution of absolutive H- in pro drop and relative clause extraction
    patterns with segmental case markers
    Speculation: tonogenesis of absolutive case marker?
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72

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  110. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the
    absolutive?
    1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker
    2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone
    Hypothesis: The absolutive H- is a prosodic demarcative tone that
    has its source in the morphology.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 63/ 72

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  111. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  112. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    At edge of fronted constituent
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  113. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    At edge of fronted constituent
    Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  114. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    At edge of fronted constituent
    Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists
    H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  115. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    At edge of fronted constituent
    Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists
    H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists
    Optionally, depending on choices of prosodic phrasing
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  116. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    The absolutive H- and other H- tones
    Where does sentence medial H- occur?
    Preceding absolutive argument
    At edge of fronted constituent
    Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists
    H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists
    Optionally, depending on choices of prosodic phrasing
    Idea: the optional H-’s are different from the other H-s
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72

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  117. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Prosodic boundary tones
    What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones?
    Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72

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  118. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Prosodic boundary tones
    What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones?
    Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven
    Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72

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  119. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Prosodic boundary tones
    What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones?
    Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven
    Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007)
    Lengthening/strengthening at the prosodic boundary edge
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72

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  120. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Prosodic boundary tones
    What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones?
    Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven
    Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007)
    Lengthening/strengthening at the prosodic boundary edge
    For some: sensitivity to prosodic factors (length, heaviness), i.e.
    optionality of occurrence
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72

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  121. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    A multitude of sentence-medial H- tones
    (11) ’o le malini mamalu H- ma Mala H- na lagona H- le liona, H-
    le manini, H- ma Nonu.
    top det.sg marine glorified conj Mala past hear abs det.sg lion,
    det.sg fish conj Nonu
    ‘The glorified marine and Mala heard the lion, the fish, and Nonu.’
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 66/ 72

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  122. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    A multitude of sentence-medial H- tones
    H- coord H- cleft H- abs H- list H- coord
    ’o le malini mamalu ma Mala na lagona le liona, le malini ma Nonu
    coordination cleft abs list coord
    90
    190
    100
    120
    140
    160
    180
    Pitch (Hz)
    Time (s)
    0 6.116
    [All H- tones]
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 67/ 72

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  123. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Required H- tones as tonal morphemes
    H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous
    in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72

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  124. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Required H- tones as tonal morphemes
    H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous
    in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents.
    Sasha Calhoun’s talk: no difference in acoustic realization of these tones.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72

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  125. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Required H- tones as tonal morphemes
    H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous
    in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents.
    Sasha Calhoun’s talk: no difference in acoustic realization of these tones.
    Required H-’s are prosodic demarcative tones that have their source
    in the morphology.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72

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  126. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan
    Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned
    allomorphy
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72

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  127. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan
    Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned
    allomorphy
    Variable occurrence within and across speakers, conditioned by a variety
    of contextual factors including speech style and other influences on
    phrasing choices
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72

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  128. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan
    Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned
    allomorphy
    Variable occurrence within and across speakers, conditioned by a variety
    of contextual factors including speech style and other influences on
    phrasing choices
    Optional H-’s are prosodic demarcative tones that have their source
    in the phonology.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72

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  129. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Glottal stops at the left edge of prosodic phrases
    H- tones can also optionally occur preceding ergative and oblique
    arguments.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 70/ 72

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  130. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Glottal stops at the left edge of prosodic phrases
    H- tones can also optionally occur preceding ergative and oblique
    arguments.
    When this occurs, there is clear glottalization or even a glottal stop
    preceding the vowel
    Glottalization of word-initial vowels has been shown to be a function of
    prosodic structure (Dilley and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, Garellek 2013,
    i.a.)
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 70/ 72

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  131. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Conclusion
    A prosodically demarcative H- is a tonal case marker for absolutive case
    in Samoan
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 71/ 72

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  132. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Conclusion
    A prosodically demarcative H- is a tonal case marker for absolutive case
    in Samoan
    Sources for H- edge tones in Samoan may come from the morphology as
    well as prosodic phonology
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 71/ 72

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  133. The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker
    The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone
    Acknowledgements
    Thank you to my Samoan consultants and contacts, especially John Fruean.
    Thank you to Hilda Koopman, Kie Zuraw, Robyn Orfitelli, and other members
    of the UCLA Field Methods class 2007-2008, Sun-Ah Jun, Lisa Selkirk,
    Michael Wagner, Ellen Woolford and audiences at NELS 39, LSA 2009,
    AFLA 2009 for invaluable input. Funding for fieldwork in Samoa: University
    of Maryland and University of Massachusetts Department of Linguistics.
    Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 72/ 72

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