Tonal marking of absolutive case in Samoan Kristine M. Yu Department of Linguistics University of Massachusetts Amherst www.krisyu.org ETI3 McGill May 2014 Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 1/ 72
Hypothesis Hypothesis: Ergative case-marking patterns have tonal correlates in Samoan ◦ A high boundary tone (H-) immediately precedes absolutive arguments. ◦ This H- is a tonal case marker which has its source in the morphology, like a number of other H- tones in Samoan. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 2/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Characteristics of the Samoan language Polynesian language from Samoa and American Samoa, with ≈370,000 speakers in all countries (Gordon 2005) http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/australia/samoa rel98.jpg Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 4/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Characteristics of the Samoan language VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Characteristics of the Samoan language VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking Samoan orthography used in this talk: ◦ [N] = g, [P] = ’, [V:] = ¯ V R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Characteristics of the Samoan language VSO language with ergative - absolutive case-marking Samoan orthography used in this talk: ◦ [N] = g, [P] = ’, [V:] = ¯ V Formal (tautala lelei) and informal (tautala leaga) registers of speech ◦ tautala lelei ◦ tautala leaga R. G. Gordon, Jr. (ed.). (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 5/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Case-marking patterns Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Case-marking patterns (1) a. erg-abs na past lalaga weave e erg le det.sg malini marine le det.sg mamanu. design ‘The marine weaved the design.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Case-marking patterns (1) a. erg-abs na past lalaga weave e erg le det.sg malini marine le det.sg mamanu. design ‘The marine weaved the design.’ b. abs-(obl) na past manogi smell le det.sg meleni melon (i obl le det.sg malini). marine ‘The melon smelled (to the marine).’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Case-marking patterns (1) a. erg-abs na past lalaga weave e erg le det.sg malini marine le det.sg mamanu. design ‘The marine weaved the design.’ b. abs-(obl) na past manogi smell le det.sg meleni melon (i obl le det.sg malini). marine ‘The melon smelled (to the marine).’ c. erg-abs-obl na past ’ave give e erg le det.sg malini marine le det.sg meleni melon i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 6/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Case-marking patterns: the H- absolutive case marker (2) a. erg-abs na past lalaga weave e erg le det.sg malini marine H- abs le det.sg mamanu. design ‘The marine weaved the mamanu.’ b. abs-obl na past manogi smell H- abs le det.sg meleni melon (i obl le det.sg malini). marine ‘The melon smelled (to the marine.)’ c. erg-abs-obl na past ’ave give e erg le det.sg malini marine H- abs le det.sg meleni melon i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 7/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Some mamanu in Apia Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 8/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Overview of Samoan prosody Overview of Samoan prosody basic primary stress pattern: moraic trochee at right edge (Zuraw, Yu, and Orfitelli to appear) ◦ ma(l´ ıni) ‘marine’ ◦ (manu)(m´¯ a) ‘dove’ Intonational inventory in autosegmental-metrical/ToBI framework (Orfitelli and Yu 2009) ◦ default pitch accent: LH rise over mora receiving primary stress ◦ Sentence medial H- boundary tones in lists, coordination, clefted declaratives ◦ Typically utterance final low tone(s), but high tone(s) in uncertainty contexts (disbelief, echo questions, tag questions) K. Zuraw, K. Yu and R. Orfitelli. (to appear). Word-level prosody of Samoan. Phonology. R. Orfitelli and K. Yu. (2009). The intonational phonology of Samoan. Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association XVI, Santa Cruz, CA. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 9/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods H- and coordination Realization of H-: it’s in the last mora 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 LH LH ma li ni No H- [LH not followed by H-] 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 H- H- ma li ni [LH followed by H-] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 10/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods H- and coordination H- and argument coordination: a minimal pair (3) [N Adj] na past manogi smell H- abs [le det.sg malini marine mamalu] glorified i obl le det.sg manu. bird ‘The glorified marine smelled to the bird.’ (4) coordination na past manogi smell H- abs [le det.sg malini H- marine ma CONJ Malu] Malu i obl le det.sg manu. bird ‘The marine and Malu smelled to the bird.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 11/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods H- and coordination H- and argument coordination: [N Adj] vs. coordination 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 LH H- LH LH LH L-L% LH H- LH LH LH L-L% na ma no gi le ma li ni ma ma lu i le ma nu na manogi le malini mamalu i le manu past smell det.sg marine glorified obl det.sg bird [N Adj: malini mamalu] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 12/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods H- and coordination H- and argument coordination: [N Adj] vs. coordination 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 LH H- LH H- LH LH L-L% LH H- LH H- LH LH L-L% na ma no gi le ma li ni ma ma lu i le ma nu na manogi le malini ma Malu i le manu past smell det.sg marine CONJ Malu obldet.sg bird [coordination: ma Malu] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 13/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Fieldwork/data All consultants from (Western) Samoa Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15, age 19-23 during elicitations ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions through 2012 Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Fieldwork/data All consultants from (Western) Samoa Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15, age 19-23 during elicitations ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions through 2012 Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November 2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012 Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Fieldwork/data All consultants from (Western) Samoa Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15, age 19-23 during elicitations ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions through 2012 Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November 2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012 Data primarily elicited in tautala lelei (formal language) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Fieldwork/data All consultants from (Western) Samoa Primary consultant: born in Samoa, moved to United States at age 15, age 19-23 during elicitations ◦ Data collected in 2008-2009, and later in additional elicitation sessions through 2012 Work with ≈ 5 additional speakers in trips to Apia, Samoa in November 2011 and to Carson, CA in January 2012 Data primarily elicited in tautala lelei (formal language) Data elicited out-of-the-blue Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 14/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Some principles in intonational fieldwork for initial methodological abstraction 1 Avoid confounding influences on variation in fundamental frequency. (see also: Yu to appear) 2 Allow for spacing between tonal events. Yu, K.M. (To appear) The experimental state of mind in elicitation: illustrations from tonal fieldwork. Language Documentation and Conservation. Special issue on “how to study a tone language” . Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 15/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Sonorant wordbank Use of sonorants to avoid segmental perturbations of fundamental frequency. Samoan Function Gloss na TAM past ma CONJ and le det.sg the e ERG i ABS lag´ ona erg-abs to hear lal´ aga erg-abs to weave man´ ogi abs-obl to smell (to) ’´ ave erg-abs-obl to give M´ alu NP Proper name m´ anu NP bird mal´ ıni NP marine man´ ıni NP fish mam´ anu NP design mel´ eni NP melon Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 16/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Glottal stops and fundamental frequency Glottalization or the presence of glottal stops perturbs fundamental frequency. Glottalization can lead to tonogenesis of low or high tone. (see Kingston 2005: The phonetics of Athabaskan tonogenesis) Demo: example in Praat towards end of talk Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 17/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork 1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive tonal events. Example: avoid CVC´ V: C´ VCV, e.g. ma(m´ a:) (m´ ama) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork 1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive tonal events. Example: avoid CVC´ V: C´ VCV, e.g. ma(m´ a:) (m´ ama) 2 Separation of head- and edge-marking tones: try to maximize (and/or vary) distance between stressed position and word edge Example: CV(C´ VCV) rather than (C` VCV)C´ V: words Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Stretching things out in intonational fieldwork 1 Avoid tonal crowding to get clearest allophonic realization of consecutive tonal events. Example: avoid CVC´ V: C´ VCV, e.g. ma(m´ a:) (m´ ama) 2 Separation of head- and edge-marking tones: try to maximize (and/or vary) distance between stressed position and word edge Example: CV(C´ VCV) rather than (C` VCV)C´ V: words 3 Increasing amount of phonological material in syntactic and/or prosodic domain: observe whether tonal event targets the edge of some domain Here: lengthening of arguments, predicate Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 18/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Idea of tonal crowding To avoid: http://truedino.com/cascade.htm Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 19/ 72
Introduction The realization of H- Methods Idea of tonal crowding Better: http://www.wallcoo.net/nature/mountain of the world 01/images/%5Bwallcoo%5D mountain wallpapers AP29015.jpg Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 19/ 72
H- and absolutive case Note: acceptability of word order variation in broad focus Acceptability of word order variation in broad focus varies across speakers, but word order variation does occur in production. 1 My Samoan consultants: 1/6 accepted only V-A-DO-IO consistently in ditransitives while 3/6 accepted any order Some other participants for a perception experiment accepted VAO but not VOA Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 21/ 72
H- and absolutive case Note: acceptability of word order variation in broad focus Acceptability of word order variation in broad focus varies across speakers, but word order variation does occur in production. 1 My Samoan consultants: 1/6 accepted only V-A-DO-IO consistently in ditransitives while 3/6 accepted any order Some other participants for a perception experiment accepted VAO but not VOA 2 Sasha Calhoun’s Experiment 1 for broad focus context: 94% VAO productions 6% VOA productions Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 21/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction H- and absolutive case: long sentences “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP na Verb [X] [Y] (5) X = le det.sg maile dog a poss le det.sg milionea millionaire leaga bad mai prep Jerusalema Jerusalem i obl luga top o O le det.sg mauga mountain ‘the dog of the bad millionaire from Jerusalem on the mountain’ Y =le det.sg manu-lele animaly-fly a poss le det.sg malini marine mamalu glorified mai prep Apia Apia ‘the bird of the glorified marine from Apia’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 22/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction H- and absolutive case: long sentences “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP na Verb [X] [Y] (5) X = le det.sg maile dog a poss le det.sg milionea millionaire leaga bad mai prep Jerusalema Jerusalem i obl luga top o O le det.sg mauga mountain ‘the dog of the bad millionaire from Jerusalem on the mountain’ Y =le det.sg manu-lele animaly-fly a poss le det.sg malini marine mamalu glorified mai prep Apia Apia ‘the bird of the glorified marine from Apia’ Experiment: Case-marking Pattern (erg-abs, abs-obl) x Word Order (default, scrambled) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 22/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Long sentences: na Verb H- ABS i OBL 100 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7 H- H- T/pred absolutive argument oblique argument [na Verb H- ABS i OBL] [mauga i le] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 23/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Long sentences: na Verb e ERG H- ABS 100 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7 H- L-L% H- L-L% T/pred ergative argument absolutive argument [na Verb e ERG H- ABS Disc. ] [mauga H- le] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 24/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Long sentences: na Verb i OBL H- ABS 100 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7 H- H- T/pred oblique argument absolutive argument [na Verb i OBL H- ABS] [mauga H- le] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 25/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Long sentences: na Verb H- ABS e ERG 100 150 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 4 4.5 5 5.5 6 6.5 7 H- L-L% H- L-L% T/pred absolutive argument ergative argument [na Verb H- ABS e ERG] [mauga e le] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 26/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y] VSO: ABS OBL Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y] VSO: ABS OBL VSO: ERG H ABS Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y] VSO: ABS OBL VSO: ERG H ABS VOS: OBL H ABS Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Summary of long sentences: na Verb [X] [Y] VSO: ABS OBL VSO: ERG H ABS VOS: OBL H ABS VOS: ABS ERG Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 27/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation a. na past moe-moega sleep-bed H- abs malini. marine ‘The marines bed-slept.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation a. na past moe-moega sleep-bed H- abs malini. marine ‘The marines bed-slept.’ b. na past moe-moega sleep-bed leaga bad H- abs malini. marine ‘The marines bed-slept badly.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction H- and absolutive case: lengthening the predicate “T”[...Predicate...] erg.DP, abs.DP, i-obl.DP (6) lengthened predicate with object incorporation a. na past moe-moega sleep-bed H- abs malini. marine ‘The marines bed-slept.’ b. na past moe-moega sleep-bed leaga bad H- abs malini. marine ‘The marines bed-slept badly.’ c. na past moe-moega sleep-bed leaga bad loa LOA H- abs malini. marine ‘And then the marines bed-slept badly.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 28/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Lengthened predicate: no adverbs 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 LH LH H- LH L-L% LH LH H- LH L-L% na moe moe ga ma li ni H- at Pred-ABS boundary [Lengthened predicate: no adverbs] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 29/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Lengthened predicate: 1 adverb 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 LH LH LH H- LH L-L% LH LH LH H- LH L-L% na moe moe ga lea gama li ni H- at Pred-ABS boundary [Lengthened predicate: 1 adverb] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 30/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Lengthened predicate: 2 adverbs 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 LH LH LH LH H- LH L-L% LH LH LH LH H- LH L-L% na moemoe ga lea ga loama li ni H- at Pred-ABS boundary [Lengthened predicate: 2 adverbs] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 31/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Summary of long sentences Case-marking VSO order VOS order ERG-ABS V/Pred ERG H- ABS V/Pred (H-) ABS ERG ABS-OBL V/Pred (H-) ABS OBL V/Pred OBL H- ABS Table : Distribution of H- across case-markings and word orders object-incorporated verb [V N] H- ABS object-incorporated verb modified by adverb [V N] Adv H- ABS object-incorporated verb modified by 2 adverbs [V N] Adv Adv H- ABS ⇒ H- is aligned to left edge of absolutive argument Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 32/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives (7) erg-abs-obl na past ’ave give e erg le det.sg malini marine H- abs le det.sg meleni melon i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 33/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives (7) erg-abs-obl na past ’ave give e erg le det.sg malini marine H- abs le det.sg meleni melon i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The marine gave the melon to the fish.’ Hypothesis: Structure in set of all 3! permutations of {erg.DP,abs.DP,i-obl.DP} ABS ABS ABS H- ABS e ERG i OB e ERG H- ABS i OBL i OBL e ERG H- ABS H- ABS i OBL e ERG i OBL H- ABS e ERG e ERG i OBL H- ABS Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 33/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: H- ABS ERG OBL 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 LH H- LH LH LH LH H- LH LH LH na ’a ve leme le ni elema li ni i lema ni ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: H- ABS ERG OBL] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 34/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: H- ABS OBL ERG 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 LH H- LH LH LH LH H- LH LH LH na ’a ve leme le ni i lema ni ni elema li ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: H- ABS OBL ERG] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 35/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: ERG H- ABS OBL 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 LH LH H- LH LH LH LH H- LH LH na ’a ve elema li ni leme le ni i lema ni ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: ERG H- ABS OBL] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 36/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: OBL H- ABS ERG 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 LH LH H- LH LH L-L% LH LH H- LH LH L-L% na ’a ve i lema ni ni leme le ni elema li ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: OBL H- ABS ERG] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 37/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: OBL ERG H- ABS 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 LH LH LH H- LH L-L% LH LH LH H- LH L-L% na ’a ve i lema ni ni elema li ni leme le ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: OBL ERG H- ABS] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 38/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Ditransitives: ERG OBL H- ABS 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 LH LH LH H- LH L-L% LH LH LH H- LH L-L% na ’a ve elema li ni i lema ni ni leme le ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Ditransitives: ERG OBL H- ABS] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 39/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction pro drop (8) pro drop in erg-abs case-marking a. na past lagona hear H- abs le det.sg malini. marine ‘pro heard the marine.’ b. na past lagona hear e erg le det.sg malini. marine ‘The marine heard pro.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 40/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction pro drop of ergative argument, H- still present 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 LH H- LH L-L% LH H- LH L-L% na la go na le ma ni ni [pro drop of ergative argument, H- still present] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 41/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction pro drop of absolutive argument, H- not present 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 LH LH L-L% LH LH L-L% na la go na e le ma ni ni No H- [pro drop of absolutive argument, no H- present] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 42/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Extraction of absolutive and ergative arguments in relative clauses (9) Extraction of ergative argument na past manogi smell H- abs le det.sg malini marine [na [past lalaga-ina weave-INA H- abs le det.sg mamanu] design] i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The marine that weaved the design smelled to the fish.’ (10) Extraction of absolutive argument na past manogi smell H- abs le det.sg mamanu design [na [past lalaga-ina weave-INA e erg le det.sg malini marine ] ] i obl le det.sg manini. fish ‘The design that the marine weaved smelled to the fish.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 43/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Extraction of ergative argument, H- present 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 LH H- LH LH H- LH LH LH H- LH LH H- LH LH na mano gi lema li ni na lagona ina lemama nu ilema ni ni H- at [ [ [ [ [ [ [ABS [Extraction of ergative argument, H- present] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 44/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction Extraction of absolutive argument, H- not present 125 150 175 200 Fundamental frequency (Hz) Time (s) 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 LH H- LH LH LH LH LH H- LH LH LH LH na mano gilemamanuna la la ga ina e lema li ni ilema ni ni No H- [Extraction of absolutive argument, H- not present] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 45/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs 2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs argument Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs 2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs argument 3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs 2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs argument 3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders 4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H- Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs 2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs argument 3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders 4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H- 5 Other examples: interrogatives, pronouns Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
H- and absolutive case Long sentences: lengthened arguments Long sentences: lengthened predicate Ditransitives pro drop and extraction A high boundary tone occurs at the left edge of abs 1 Lengthened arguments: H- occurs between arguments, but only if arg2 abs 2 Lengthened predicates: H- tracks boundary between predicate and abs argument 3 Ditransitives: absolutive-H- correlation generalizes over all word orders 4 pro-drop, extraction: absence of abs ⇔ absence of H- 5 Other examples: interrogatives, pronouns 6 Also in tautala leaga (where segmental case marker dropping and pro drop is highly frequent (Ochs 1982)) Ochs (1982). Ergativity and word order in Samoan child language. Language. 58: pp. 646-671. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 46/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Part III Accounting for the absolutive H- Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 47/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone 3 Prominence: focus marking Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone 3 Prominence: focus marking 4 Scrambling: an effect of word order Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone 3 Prominence: focus marking 4 Scrambling: an effect of word order 5 Syntax: marking of some syntactic constituent? Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 48/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Ruling out scrambling as a source of the absolutive H- Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs under scrambling. (cf. Norvin Richards talk on Tagalog: “scrambling the object over the subject increases the distance between their pitch peaks” ) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 49/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Ruling out scrambling as a source of the absolutive H- Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs under scrambling. (cf. Norvin Richards talk on Tagalog: “scrambling the object over the subject increases the distance between their pitch peaks” ) Counter-evidence: consistency of H protrusion in correlating with absolutive argument, regardless of word order: ABS ABS ABS H- ABS e ERG i OB e ERG H- ABS i OBL i OBL e ERG H- ABS H- ABS i OBL e ERG i OBL H- ABS e ERG e ERG i OBL H- ABS Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 49/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Ruling out“abstract”syntactic structure Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of some syntactic shell. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 50/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Ruling out“abstract”syntactic structure Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of some syntactic shell. Counter-evidence: H protrusion occurs at the edge of overt absolutive arguments, e.g. in pro drop and extraction out of relative clauses. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 50/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Idea: the H- marks a focused constituent Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of a focused constituent. Calhoun notes: effect of H- on following pitch accent: no definite L target and lowered pitch range: “accent suppression” Cross-linguistically, post-focal compression is very common Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 51/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Idea: the H- marks a focused constituent Hypothesis: H protrusion occurs at the edge of a focused constituent. Calhoun notes: effect of H- on following pitch accent: no definite L target and lowered pitch range: “accent suppression” Cross-linguistically, post-focal compression is very common Possible counter-evidence: tonal crowding can lead to these effects on the following pitch accent Calhoun example: pulling rope m´ aea has initial stress, leading to tonal crowding of absolutive H- and following pitch accent I observed this effect in instances of tonal crowding Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 51/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone 3 Prominence: focus marking 4 Scrambling: an effect of word order 5 Syntax: marking of some syntactic constituent? Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 52/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 52/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case marker. Potential objections: 1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case marker. Potential objections: 1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. 2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case marker. Potential objections: 1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. 2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents. 3 A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is being case marked. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker Hypothesis: H protrusion is the realization of an absolutive case marker. Potential objections: 1 There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. 2 A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents. 3 A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is being case marked. 4 It’s bizarre to have a tonal case marker when the other case markers are segmental. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 53/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Missing absolutive H-? There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. From Sasha Calhoun’s talk: 1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Missing absolutive H-? There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. From Sasha Calhoun’s talk: 1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone 2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Missing absolutive H-? There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. From Sasha Calhoun’s talk: 1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone 2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Missing absolutive H-? There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. From Sasha Calhoun’s talk: 1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone Explanation: preceding prosodic material cannot support the H- tone. 2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’ Explanation: the glottal stop or glottalization perturbs the fundamental frequency. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Missing absolutive H-? There are instances where no H appears before the absolutive argument. From Sasha Calhoun’s talk: 1 Pre-verbal clitic pronouns do not have H- tone Explanation: preceding prosodic material cannot support the H- tone. 2 No H- for arguments following naPo ‘only’ Explanation: the glottal stop or glottalization perturbs the fundamental frequency. All other cases in her and my work: absolutive H- appears before absolutive argument, even under a variety of contexts for information structure Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 54/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Personal pronoun forms Two forms: preverbal clitics and postverbal free-standing DP Preverbal Postverbal 1.sg Pou aPu 2.sg Pe Poe 3.sg ia (na) ia 1du.inc ta: ta:Pua 1du.exc ma: ma:Pua 2.du lua Poulua (lua) 3.du la: la:Pua 1.pl.inc ta:tou ta:tou 1.pl.exc ma:tou ma:tou 2.pl Poutou Poutou (tou) 3.pl la:tou la:tou Mosel and Hovdhaugen (1992, p. 121-122), Collins (2012) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 55/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns? Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns? Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM Example from Calhoun’s talk: na ia ‘past 3.sg’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone No absolutive H- for pre-verbal clitics pronouns? Pre-verbal clitic pronouns enclitize to the TAM Example from Calhoun’s talk: na ia ‘past 3.sg’ Explanation: na cannot bear the absolutive H- because it is not, by itself, a prosodic word or phrase. (na(´ ıa))ω or even (n´ aja)? Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 56/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents? Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011): Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents? Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011): Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima. Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final: 1st and 2nd person: final H 3rd person: penultimate H Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents? Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011): Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima. Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final: 1st and 2nd person: final H 3rd person: penultimate H singular plural 1 n-ji:l´ e ‘I ate’ chi-ji:l´ e ‘we ate’ 2 ji:l´ e ‘you.sg ate’ ni-ji:l´ e ‘you.pl ate’ 3 j´ ı:le ‘sh/e ate’ wa-j´ ı:le ‘they ate’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Phrasal tones from morphology: Chimwiini A tonal case morpheme cannot demarcate prosodic constituents? Kisseberth (2009), Hyman (2011): Phonological phrases are marked with a H on the penult or ultima. Person conditions whether the H is penultimate or final: 1st and 2nd person: final H 3rd person: penultimate H singular plural 1 n-ji:l´ e ‘I ate’ chi-ji:l´ e ‘we ate’ 2 ji:l´ e ‘you.sg ate’ ni-ji:l´ e ‘you.pl ate’ 3 j´ ı:le ‘sh/e ate’ wa-j´ ı:le ‘they ate’ ∅-wa-t ”ind ”il ”il ”e w-aan´ a ) n ”am´ a) ka: chi-s´ u) ‘2.sg cut for the children meat with a knife’ ∅-wa-t ”ind ”il ”il ”e w-´ aana ) n ”´ ama) ka: ch´ ı-su) ‘3.sg cut for the children meat with a knife’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 57/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Association of absolutive H- to preceding material A tonal case morpheme should be associated to the argument that is being case marked. Bracketing paradox puzzle: Why does the absolutive H- appear on the material preceding the absolutive argument? Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 58/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Prosodic enclitization of syntactic heads Cross-linguistically, heads may be prosodically enclitic to the preceding constituent. Examples from Selkirk (2011), see references within: Syntax Phonology Shanghai Chinese V [P...]PP (V P)φ Kwakwala V [D...]DP (V D)φ Chamicuro V [D...]DP (V D)φ Xitsonga V [Ncl...]NP (V Ncl)φ English want/got to (wanna)φ , (gotta)φ Selkirk (2011). The syntax-phonology interface. In The Handbook of Phonological Theory. Goldsmith, Riggle, and Yu, eds. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 59/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Enclitization of segmental case markers in Samoan The segmental case markers e and i can also be enclitized in Samoan. 1 The prosodic word is the domain of stress assignment in Samoan. (Zuraw, Yu and Orfitelli, to appear). Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 60/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Enclitization of segmental case markers in Samoan The segmental case markers e and i can also be enclitized in Samoan. 1 The prosodic word is the domain of stress assignment in Samoan. (Zuraw, Yu and Orfitelli, to appear). 2 Segmental case markers may form diphthongs or fuse with preceding phonological material. (However, no concomitant stress shift.) momoli i le → momoli: le, cf. (l´ oka-a)ω ‘arrest’ → lo(k´ a:) ‘arrest-A’ momoli e le → momole: le li(´ ona) i le → li´ onai le, cf. (m´ ai)le ‘dog’ Demo: examples in Praat Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 60/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Why a tonal absolutive case marker? Many instances of tonal case marking in Bantu and Nilotic languages. Floating tones for genitive case marking in associative constructions, e.g. classic examples of Igbo, Bamileke Dschang Case-marking in nominative-accusative systems, e.g. Maasai Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 61/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Why a tonal absolutive case marker? The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case markers All case markers may be prosodically enclitized Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Why a tonal absolutive case marker? The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case markers All case markers may be prosodically enclitized The absolutive H- occurs where other case markers might occur and doesn’t occur where other case markers don’t All case markers immediately precede the argument No case markers follow the conjunction in coordination Distribution of absolutive H- in pro drop and relative clause extraction patterns with segmental case markers Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Why a tonal absolutive case marker? The absolutive H- has a similar distribution to the segmental case markers All case markers may be prosodically enclitized The absolutive H- occurs where other case markers might occur and doesn’t occur where other case markers don’t All case markers immediately precede the argument No case markers follow the conjunction in coordination Distribution of absolutive H- in pro drop and relative clause extraction patterns with segmental case markers Speculation: tonogenesis of absolutive case marker? Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 62/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone What is the source of the H protrusion preceding the absolutive? 1 Morphology: tonal absolutive case marker 2 Prosodic phonology: prosodic boundary tone Hypothesis: The absolutive H- is a prosodic demarcative tone that has its source in the morphology. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 63/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument At edge of fronted constituent Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument At edge of fronted constituent Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument At edge of fronted constituent Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument At edge of fronted constituent Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists Optionally, depending on choices of prosodic phrasing Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone The absolutive H- and other H- tones Where does sentence medial H- occur? Preceding absolutive argument At edge of fronted constituent Preceding conjunction in coordination and in lists H- tones occur in clefting, coordination, and lists Optionally, depending on choices of prosodic phrasing Idea: the optional H-’s are different from the other H-s Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 64/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Prosodic boundary tones What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones? Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Prosodic boundary tones What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones? Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Prosodic boundary tones What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones? Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007) Lengthening/strengthening at the prosodic boundary edge Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Prosodic boundary tones What is characteristic of prosodic boundary tones? Marked at an edge, not a head, i.e. not stress-driven Upstep, break in downtrend (e.g. Truckenbrodt 2007) Lengthening/strengthening at the prosodic boundary edge For some: sensitivity to prosodic factors (length, heaviness), i.e. optionality of occurrence Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 65/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone A multitude of sentence-medial H- tones (11) ’o le malini mamalu H- ma Mala H- na lagona H- le liona, H- le manini, H- ma Nonu. top det.sg marine glorified conj Mala past hear abs det.sg lion, det.sg fish conj Nonu ‘The glorified marine and Mala heard the lion, the fish, and Nonu.’ Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 66/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone A multitude of sentence-medial H- tones H- coord H- cleft H- abs H- list H- coord ’o le malini mamalu ma Mala na lagona le liona, le malini ma Nonu coordination cleft abs list coord 90 190 100 120 140 160 180 Pitch (Hz) Time (s) 0 6.116 [All H- tones] Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 67/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Required H- tones as tonal morphemes H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Required H- tones as tonal morphemes H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents. Sasha Calhoun’s talk: no difference in acoustic realization of these tones. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Required H- tones as tonal morphemes H- is a right-edge aligned prosodic boundary tone that is homophonous in marking absolutive case, coordination, and fronted constituents. Sasha Calhoun’s talk: no difference in acoustic realization of these tones. Required H-’s are prosodic demarcative tones that have their source in the morphology. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 68/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned allomorphy Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned allomorphy Variable occurrence within and across speakers, conditioned by a variety of contextual factors including speech style and other influences on phrasing choices Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Optional H- tones in prosodic phonology in Samoan Signatures of optional H- tones: pauses, prosodically-conditioned allomorphy Variable occurrence within and across speakers, conditioned by a variety of contextual factors including speech style and other influences on phrasing choices Optional H-’s are prosodic demarcative tones that have their source in the phonology. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 69/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Glottal stops at the left edge of prosodic phrases H- tones can also optionally occur preceding ergative and oblique arguments. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 70/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Glottal stops at the left edge of prosodic phrases H- tones can also optionally occur preceding ergative and oblique arguments. When this occurs, there is clear glottalization or even a glottal stop preceding the vowel Glottalization of word-initial vowels has been shown to be a function of prosodic structure (Dilley and Shattuck-Hufnagel 1996, Garellek 2013, i.a.) Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 70/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Conclusion A prosodically demarcative H- is a tonal case marker for absolutive case in Samoan Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 71/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Conclusion A prosodically demarcative H- is a tonal case marker for absolutive case in Samoan Sources for H- edge tones in Samoan may come from the morphology as well as prosodic phonology Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 71/ 72
The absolutive H- as a tonal case marker The absolutive H- as a prosodic demarcative tone Acknowledgements Thank you to my Samoan consultants and contacts, especially John Fruean. Thank you to Hilda Koopman, Kie Zuraw, Robyn Orfitelli, and other members of the UCLA Field Methods class 2007-2008, Sun-Ah Jun, Lisa Selkirk, Michael Wagner, Ellen Woolford and audiences at NELS 39, LSA 2009, AFLA 2009 for invaluable input. Funding for fieldwork in Samoa: University of Maryland and University of Massachusetts Department of Linguistics. Kristine M. Yu UMASS Amherst Tonal case marking in Samoan 72/ 72
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